Books on the Caribbean
Hubert Cole. Christophe: King of Haiti. New
York: The Viking Press, 1967.
The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution
Caribbean Doscourse (2004)
/ Barbara Harlow.
Resistance Literature (1987)
Josaphat B. Kubayanda.
The Poet's Africa: Africanness in the Poetry of Nicolas Guillen and Aime
Paul Laraque and Jack Hirschman.
Gate An Anthology of Haitian Creole Poetry
David P. Geggus, ed.
The Impact of the
Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World.
University of South Carolina Press, 2001.
Eyes of the Heart: Seeking a
Path for the Poor in the Age of Globalization
* * *
Amnesty International on Haiti
of Past Abuses Threaten Human rights
and the Reestablishment of the Rule
3 March 2004
Leaders of rebel forces:
Louis Jodel Chamblain - deputy leader
of paramilitary group FRAPH convicted in trials of 1994 Raboteau
massacre and 1993 extrajudicial execution of Antoine Izméry.
Sentenced in both trials to forced labour for life.
Jean Pierre Baptiste ('Jean Tatoune')
- FRAPH member convicted in Raboteau massacre trial. Sentenced
to forced labour for life.
Escaped from prison during current crisis
and of concern:
Jean-Claude Duperval - deputy
commander in chief of the army convicted in Raboteau massacre
trial. Sentenced to forced labour for life and returned to Haiti
from the USA to serve the sentence.
Hébert Valmond - lieutenant colonel
and head of military intelligence convicted in Raboteau massacre
trial. Sentenced to forced labour for life and returned to Haiti
from the USA to serve the sentence.
Carl Dorelien - Colonel convicted in
Raboteau massacre trial. Sentenced to forced labour for life and
returned to Haiti from the USA to serve the sentence.
Jackson Joanis - military police
captain convicted of the extrajudicial execution of Antoine Izméry,
and sentenced to forced labour for life. Returned from the USA
to Haiti to serve the sentence. Also indicted in the
investigation into the assassination of Father Jean Marie
Vincent; case not yet brought to trial.
Castera Cénafils - army captain
convicted in Raboteau massacre trial. Sentenced to forced labour
Prosper Avril- General and leader of
the 1988 coup d'état, indicted in the investigation into the
1990 Piatre massacre; case not yet brought to trial.
1. Introduction: reappearance of
convicted or indicted perpetrators of human rights violations on
the scene in Haiti
One of the most significant human rights
achievements in the years following the October 1994 return to
democratic order in Haiti was the holding of trials in
several high-profile cases of egregious past violations.
These trials were crucial, not just as a means of ensuring that
the truth about past violations emerged, but as tangible
evidence, to a Haitian population which had suffered violent
repression on a massive scale, of a newly-functioning rule of
law and respect for human rights.
The holding of perpetrators from the disbanded
Haitian Armed Forces, the Forces Armées dHaïti (FADH),and
the paramilitary Front Révolutionnaire Armé pour le Progrès
d'Haïti (FRAPH), Revolutionary Armed Front for the Progress of
Haiti(1) to account for their crimes was nearly unprecedented in
The trials of those implicated in such grave
violations as the 1994 Raboteau massacre and the 1993
assassination of pro-democracy activist Antoine Izméry gave
hope that, for the first time, the cycle of political violence
might well and truly be broken.
In a devastating portent for the future of
human rights in Haiti, however, a number of those convicted of
those crimes are once again free in Haiti, and some have
re-emerged as commanders of rebel groups.
|In recent weeks, Amnesty International has
repeatedly expressed its grave concern about the presence of
notorious convicted human rights perpetrators such as Louis
Jodel Chamblain (left in photo) and Jean Pierre Baptiste ('Jean
Tatoune') as leaders of the rebel forces.
These forces now effectively control much of
the country and have been allowed to enter the capital, despite
the presence of the Multinational Interim Force.
rebel leader Guy Philippe, a former army officer and
one-time Haitian National Police commissioner who fled the
country in 2000, has reportedly expressed confidence that they
will be given a prominent and influential role in public life.
The rebellion began on 5 February,
with attacks on the police station and other government
buildings by rebels in Gonaïves, department of the Artibonite.
It swiftly spread to other areas in the north
and centre of the country, and over the next two weeks
government authority was forced out of over half of the national
territory. Rebels declared their intention to march on the
capital Port-au-Prince. Reports of human rights abuses committed
by both sides during the attacks have ranged from unlawful
killings to arbitrary detentions.
Other perpetrators convicted in the same
trials of participating in the same violations as Louis Jodel
Chamblain and 'Jean Tatoune' are among the prisoners who
escaped from the National Penitentiary in Port-au-Prince on
February, in the atmosphere of lawlessness
that followed the departure of President Jean Bertrand Aristide
from Haiti. Amnesty International fears that the escaped
prisoners may well join their former colleagues in the rebel
forces, in this way gaining access to weapons and potentially to
positions of influence in which they may commit further human
Urgent action needed now by the
international community and its Multinational Interim Force (MIF)
The UN Security Council, in its Resolution
1529 (2004) of 29 February 2004, has mandated the deployment
of a Multinational Interim Force (MIF), which began deploying
the same day and currently consists of French, Canadian and US
troops. The MIF's task includes assisting Haitian security
forces "to establish and maintain public safety and law and
order and to promote and protect human rights".(2)
Significantly, the resolution also states that "there will
be individual accountability and no impunity for
Given the emergence of growing numbers of
charged or convicted human rights perpetrators on the scene,
Amnesty International is concerned, in the immediate term, about
the need to protect the courageous judges, prosecutors and
police officers involved in the initial trials from possible
reprisal attacks from those they attempted to bring to justice.
It calls on the newly-deployed Multinational Interim Force (MIF)
to ensure that the safety of all police and justice officials at
risk, as well as all witnesses and human rights defenders
involved in the cases, is guaranteed. Existing documentation and
judicial records pertaining to past abuses must also be
In addition, Amnesty International urgently
calls on the international community, through its Multinational
Interim Force, to guarantee that notorious human rights
offenders with pending sentences for human rights convictions,
and those against whom there are outstanding charges, are taken
into custody and brought before the Haitian justice system.
Escapees must be returned to prison; those perpetrators
convicted in absentia have the opportunity for a retrial, under
Haitian law, and should be held in custody until the retrial
Amnesty International urges the international
community, as a matter of priority, to ensure that under no
circumstances are those convicted of or implicated in serious
human rights abuses given any position of authority, whether in
a transitional government or among the security forces, where
they might commit further violations. The international
community must not in any way inadvertently legitimise or
consolidate convicted perpetrators' hold on power; to do so
would be to irreparably undermine any possibility of the rule of
law and respect for human rights in Haiti, at the very beginning
of an international process publicly committed to those very
Finally, Amnesty International urgently calls
on the international community to ensure that no amnesties
for past human rights violations are included as part of any
political settlement with rebel forces.
2. History repeating itself: the
multinational intervention ten years ago, and its links to today
Following the 1991 coup
that deposed newly-elected President Jean Bertrand Aristide, the
Haitian military and its allies, already notorious for
widespread human rights violations, maintained control through
extreme brutality and widespread human rights violations.
These forces included the Forces Armées
dHaïti (FADH), Haitian Armed Forces, led by General Raoul Cédras as
Commander-in-Chief; the Police Militaire, military police, headed by Police
Chief Michel François; the attachés, their civilian auxiliaries; the notorious
rural police chiefs, or chefs de section, disarmed and placed under civilian
authority by Aristide but reinstated after the coup; and, from 1993, a
paramilitary organization called Front Révolutionnaire Armé pour le Progrès
dHaïti (FRAPH), Revolutionary Armed Front for the Progress of Haiti, led by
Emmanuel Toto Constant.
Security forces deliberately and
indiscriminately opened fire into crowds, killing hundreds of unarmed
civilians.(4) Many of those suspected of having supported Aristide were beaten,
imprisoned, or killed; poor communities and grassroots organizations, where
support for him had been strongest, were particularly targeted by the security
forces and their paramilitary allies.(5)
By 1994 hundreds of thousands of Haitians
were en marronage (in hiding) and tens of thousands of others had attempted to
leave the country altogether, most frequently as "boat people" headed in
unseaworthy craft for the United States.(6) Many of these died at sea or were
intercepted and returned in breach of international standards. The public
pressure created by this situation contributed to the decision, formalized by
United Nations (UN) Security Council resolution, to deploy a multinational
intervention force in September 1994 which restored Aristide to office one month
later. Many of the military and paramilitary leaders responsible for the
repression fled Haiti and currently live in exile in the USA and other
3. Post-1994 efforts to hold
perpetrators accountable for their crimes Following the return
to constitutional order, efforts were made to deal with the past
violations and their repercussions in a number of ways.
National Commission of Truth and Justice
In December 1994, the Commission nationale
de vérité et de justice, National Commission of Truth and
Justice, was established by presidential decree.
Officially inaugurated in March 1995, its
task was "to globally establish the truth concerning the
most serious human rights violations committed between 29
September 1991 and 15 October 1994 inside and outside the
country and to help towards the reconciliation of all Haitians,
without prejudicie to judicial remedies that might arise from
The Raboteau massacre trial
Raboteau, a heavily-populated shanty town
along the coast at Gonaïves, was particularly targeted for
repression by the army and paramilitary because of its activist
past and the strong support of its inhabitants for ousted
president Aristide. As a result of a joint military and
paramilitary operation which began on 18 April 1994, an
estimated 20 people lost their lives. Homes were sacked and
burned and men, women and children beaten. Some died from the
beatings or from gunshot wounds while others drowned as they
fled into the sea. Some bodies were never recovered, as the
survivors had to flee the area for their own safety.
Efforts to bring those responsible for the
massacre to justice went on for several years. By 1998 at
least 22 people were in detention pending the outcome of the
investigation into crimes committed in the course of the
massacre, including murder, attempted murder, assault, torture,
illegal imprisonment, abuse of authority, theft, arson and
destruction of property. Arrest warrants were issued for the
leaders of the 1991 military coup and other military officers
and paramilitary leaders, for their alleged role in
masterminding the massacre.
Efforts by the authorities to track down
those responsible included unsuccessful attempts to extradite
several suspects from Honduras, Panama and the USA.
The trial opened in October 2000. More
than thirty people attended from Raboteau to bear witness; in
addition, five independent international experts testified about
the context of repression in which the massacre was carried out,
the military structure involved and the forensic evidence
On 9 November 2000, 16 people were
convicted of taking part in the massacre. Twelve of these
were condemned to life in prison with hard labour. The four
others received shorter sentences of between four and ten years;
all 16 were ordered to pay damages into a fund for the families
of victims. Six defendants were acquitted.
Thirty seven defendants including General
Raoul Cédras, head of the military government; Emmanuel
Constant, founding leader of FRAPH; police chief Michel
François; and Cédras deputy Philippe Biamby were
tried in absentia. They were all sentenced to life in prison
with hard labour, and were fined one billion gourdes, or roughly
US$ 43 million. However, they remained at large.
The trial of those accused of killing
Antoine Izméry, a businessman and
prominent supporter of President Aristide, who was gunned
down on 11 September 1993 in the Church of the Sacred Heart in
Port-au-Prince while attending a mass commemorating a massacre
that had occurred five years earlier.(8) The gunmen burst into
the church and forced Antoine Izméry to accompany them outside
where they made him kneel down before shooting him twice in the
On 25 August 1995, Gérard Gustave,
known as 'Zimbabwe,' who used to work as an attaché with the
Haitian army, was sentenced to forced labour for life for the
assassination of Antoine Izméry. On 25 September 1995, several
other people, believed to number seventeen, were tried in their
absence in connection with the same case. Seven were sentenced
to forced labour for life. Among them was
Louis Jodel Chamblain, deputy leader
of the FRAPH, and Jackson Joanis, former military police
captain. Most of the accused were believed to be living abroad
at the time of the trial, mainly in the neighbouring Dominican
The FRAPH documents Emmanuel Constant,
leader of FRAPH, is widely alleged, and himself claims, to have
been in the pay of, and under the orders of, the US Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA) during the coup period. Emmanuel
Constant lives openly in the USA. As a result of a damages claim
brought against him by Alerte Belance, a Haitian woman
living in the USA, for an alleged assault by FRAPH members in
1993, it emerged that the US authorities were in possession
of tens of thousands of pages of documents which had been
removed from the FRAPH offices by the Multinational Force (MNF)(9)
in October 1994. As a result of subpoenas brought by US
lawyers, the US Department of Defence admitted that it was in
the process of reviewing the classification status of the
In October 1995 the Haitian Senate sought
the assistance of international human rights organisations
in their efforts to recover the documents which were considered
essential to any prosecutions against FRAPH members as well as
to the work of the National Commission of Truth and Justice. In
December 1995 a spokesman for the US State Department announced
that the documents would be returned once they had been reviewed
and the names of all US citizens removed, though he did not rule
out that Washington would keep some of the documents.
In October 1996, some materials were
transferred to the USA Embassy in Port-au-Prince but the Haitian
Government reportedly refused to accept them on the grounds that
they were not intact. In October 2001, Aristide stated
publicly that the documents had been returned. However, since
their return no further trials from the relevant period have
4. Convicted perpetrators of past human
rights violations currently in Haiti Amnesty International is
deeply concerned at the emergence in Haiti of many of those
linked to past human rights violations. These can be broken down
into a number of groups.
In late 1994, the Haitian authorities issued
arrest warrants for the former leader of the notorious
paramilitary group FRAPH, Emmanuel Constant, and his
deputy, Louis Jodel Chamblain, reportedly in connection
with a judicial investigation into FRAPH's involvement in human
rights violations.(10) Both of them fled abroad.(11)
Louis Jodel Chamblain was convicted in
absentia in both the Raboteau and the Antoine Izméry trials,
and sentenced in both to forced labour for life.
He apparently remained outside Haiti until,
on 14 February 2004, he gave an interview to a Haitian radio
station to say that he had joined the armed movement seeking to
overthrow President Jean Bertrand Aristide. He was
accompanied by former Haitian National Police commissioner
Guy Philippe; the two men are now repeatedly referred to
as the leaders of the rebel force, and in recent days were
at the forefront of the rebel group which arrived in
Port-au-Prince following Aristide's departure.
The 1994 Raboteau massacre was reportedly
sparked by an attempt to arrest pro-Aristide activist Amiot
"Cubain" Métayer.(12) Métayer went into hiding,
but returned to Gonaïves following the return to constitutional
order, where he reportedly led an armed gang of Aristide
On 3 July 2003 he was arrested in Gonaïves,
reportedly in connection with the killing of the guard of an
opposition party headquarters.(13) He was transferred to
Port-au-Prince, but after days of rioting by his supporters, he
was returned to Gonaïves prison, which his supporters attacked
several days later. In addition to Métayer, over 150 prisoners
were believed to have escaped, including "Jean Tatoune."
During later clashes between pro- and anti-government supporters
at the end of the year, Métayer and Jean Tatoune led
opposing armed gangs, both of which were accused of human
However, the men appeared at times to have
patched up their differences and to be working together. After Métayer's
body was found on the outskirts of St Marc, department of the
Artibonite, on 22 September 2003, with gunshot wounds to the
eyes and chest, "Jean Tatoune" emerged as one of
the leaders of Métayer's 'Cannibal Army' band. This group
called repeatedly for Aristide's ouster, blaming him for Métayer's
death, and its members were among the armed attackers who
violently took control of Gonaïves on 5 February 2004 to start
the armed rebellion against Aristide in Haiti.
Gang members under the direction of
"Jean Tatoune" have been accused of numerous abuses
against government officials and supporters, as well as other
Gonaïves residents, over past months. In one example, Amnesty
International has received reports that in December 2003, Armée
Cannibale members began threatening Raboteau residents who had
been involved in the trial, forcing some of them to flee the
area out of fears for their safety.
Three FADH officers returned to Haiti by
the USA following Raboteau convictions, now escaped from the
Three former FADH officers returned to Haiti
by the USA under the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement
bureau's "Operation No Safe Haven," following their
conviction in the Raboteau trial, reportedly escaped from the
National Penitentiary on 29 February 2004. They include Carl
Dorelien, Herbert Valmond and Jean-Claude Duperval.(14)
Jean-Claude Duperval was Haiti's Chief
of Police in 1990 and 1991, during a time in which police
officers were accused of committing extrajudicial executions and
other serious violations.(15) From 1992 to 1994 he was deputy
commander in chief of the FADH.
According to reports, Duperval was not
accused of participating directly in the Raboteau massacre, but
rather of knowing about the violations and taking no steps to
stop them or punish those involved. He received a sentence of
forced labour for life. His statements regarding specific cases
of human rights violations by FADH officers were cited in the
Truth Commission report to back up its assertion that:
Everything indicates that the military
hierarchy was sufficiently informed and that it chose not to
punish human rights violations.(16)
Duperval was returned to Haiti by US
immigration authorities in January 2004, and was being held in
the National Penitentiary, from which he is believed to have
escaped on 29 February 2004.
Former FADH lieutenant colonel Hébert
Valmond was reportedly head of military intelligence, and
received a sentence of forced labour for life after being
convicted of murder, torture, destruction of homes and other
crimes during the Raboteau massacre. He reportedly left for the
US in 1995 and was taken into custody by US immigration
officials in April 2002. He was returned to Haiti in January
2003, and was being held in the National Penitentiary before
reportedly escaping on 29 February 2004.
Former FADH colonel Carl Dorelien was
arrested by US immigration authorities in June 2001.(17) In
addition to his Raboteau conviction and life sentence, he
reportedly faces a civil lawsuit filed in Miami courts seeking
compensation for family members of a victim of the Raboteau
massacre. He was returned to Haiti in January 2003, and was said
to have been detained in the National Penitentiary until the
mass prison breakout on 29 February 2004.
Others convicted or indicted on human
rights charges who reportedly escaped from prison during the
Former military police captain Jackson
Joanis, head of the Anti-Gang police unit and aide to
Port-au-Prince military police chief Michel François, was
convicted in absentia for the assassination of Antoine Izméry
and sentenced to forced labour for life. He was also
indicted in the investigation into the 28 August 1994
assassination of reformer and pro-democracy activist Father Jean
Marie Vincent; that case has not yet come to trial.
Joanis had reportedly fled to the USA in
1995, and was detained by immigration officials there in late
2000 on the basis of involvement in past violations. He was
returned to Haiti by US authorities on 25 March 2002, and
reportedly held in the National Penitentiary until his escape on
29 February 2004.
Captain Castera Cénafils, military
commander of Gonaïves at the time of the Raboteau massacre, was
among those convicted in the Raboteau trial and sentenced to
life in prison with hard labour. He was initially held in the
Gonaïves prison, but was reportedly transferred to the National
Port-au-Prince after the August 2002 breakout
in which Amiot Métayer and "Jean Tatoune" escaped. Cénafils,
with a number of other individuals convicted in the Raboteau
massacre, had appealed his conviction and sought to have it
Former FADH general Prosper Avril was
chief of presidential security under President Jean-Claude
Duvalier, until the latter was ousted from power in February
1986. In 1988 he led a coup d'état, and remained in power until
Under Avril's leadership reports of
torture and ill-treatment of political and common-law prisoners
were widespread: cases denounced by Amnesty International
during crackdowns on political opposition under Avril's
leadership included torture and ill-treatment of activists such
as Serge Gilles and Evans Paul and unlawful detention and
ill-treatment of activist Antoine Izméry.(18)
Prosper Avril was arrested in Haiti on 26
May 2001, reportedly under a warrant dating from 1996. The
charges against him included assault, torture and illegal arrest
of six Haitian activists in 1989 and 1990.(19) In April 2002 an
appeal court ordered Prosper Avril's release; he was freed but
immediately rearrested, reportedly on charges related to the
1990 Piatre massacre of peasant farmers.(20)
In December 2003, Avril was officially
indicted in the investigating judge's report of his findings.
The report charges that Avril, though not present, was complicit
in a 12 March 1990 attack by soldiers and armed civilians on
peasant farmers, in which eleven farmers were killed and
hundreds of houses burned.
Amnesty International is deeply concerned
by the emergence of growing numbers of convicted and indicted
human rights perpetrators on the turbulent scene in Haiti today.
Amnesty International calls on the international community,
through its Multinational Interim Force, to take immediate steps
to counter the threat to human rights and the rule of law posed
by these individuals.
· The MIF must take urgent
steps to guarantee that notorious human rights offenders with
pending sentences for human rights convictions are taken into
custody and brought before the Haitian justice system. Escapees
must be returned to prison; those perpetrators convicted in
absentia have the opportunity for a retrial, under Haitian law,
and should be held in custody until the retrial occurs.
· The international
community must as a matter of priority ensure that under no
circumstances are those convicted of or implicated in serious
human rights abuses given any position of authority, whether in
a transitional government or among the security forces, where
they might commit further violations.
· The international
community must ensure that no amnesties for human rights
violations are included as part of any political settlement with
rebel forces, pro-government militias or security forces.
Perpetrators should not be allowed to benefit from any legal
measures preventing the emergence of the truth and
accountability before the law.
· The Multinational
Interim Force (MIF) must take urgent steps to ensure that the
safety of police and justice officials, witnesses and human
rights defenders involved in the arrest and conviction of the
perpetrators of past abuses named in this report is guaranteed.
· The MIF must ensure that
police and judicial records pertaining to past abuses must also
· In the longer term, the
international community must assist in strengthening the Haitian
justice system, so that all of those accused of involvement in
human rights abuses, both under past governments and during the
current crisis, can be investigated and brought to justice.
· The MIF must take
immediate steps to disband and disarm the rebel groups, and
armed pro-government gangs, to minimise the risks of ongoing
human rights abuses, and to bring those responsible to justice.
(1) The paramilitary organization was at
first known as the Front révolutionnaire pour l'avancement et
le progrès haïtiens, Revolutionary Front for Haitian
Advancement and Progress, later to become the Front révolutionnaire
armé pour le progrès d'Haïti, Revolutionary Armed Front for
the Progress of Haiti.
(2) Paragraph 2c.
(3) Paragraph 7.
(4) ADVANCE \u3See
Amnesty International Annual Report 1992; and Amnesty
International, Haiti: Shattered Hopes: Human rights violations
and the coup (AI Index: AMR 36/03/92), January 1992.
(5) ADVANCE \u3
See Amnesty International, Haiti: Human rights gagged: attacks
on freedom of expression (AI Index: AMR 36/25/93), October 1993;
and Amnesty International, Haiti: On the Horns of a Dilemma:
military repression or foreign invasion? (AI Index: AMR
36/33/94), August 1994.
(6) ADVANCE \u3
See op cit., On the Horns of a Dilemma, 1994.
(7) Unofficial translation from the CNVJ
report. French original: "d'établir globalement la vérité
sur les plus graves violations des droits de l'homme commises
entre le 29 septembre 1991 et le 15 octobre 1994 à l'intérieur
et à l'extérieur du pays et d'aider é la réconciliation de
tous les Haïtiens, et ce, sans prejudice aux recours
judiciaires pouvant naïtre de telles violations."
(8) For further details, see op. cit., Haiti:
Human Rights Gagged; Amnesty International, Haiti: Still Crying
Out for Justice, AI Index: AMR 36/02/98, July 1998; Amnesty
International, (Haiti: Eye-witness account of extrajudicial
execution(, News Service 146/93, AI Index: AMR 36/WU 03/93, 4
November 1993; and Amnesty International, Urgent Action 321/93,
AI Index: AMR 36/20/93, 13 September 1993.
(9) A United States-led Multinational Force (MNF)
arrived in Haiti on 18 September 1994. Leaders of the coup that
had ousted President Jean Bertrand Aristide in September 1991
agreed to relinquish power following the MNF's arrival, and
Aristide himself returned to complete his presidential term in
(10) See Amnesty International, HAITI: A
question of justice (AI Index: AMR 36/01/96), January 1996, p.
(11) In March 1995, the Haitian government
sought the extradition of Emmanuel Constant from the USA. A US
court ordered his deportation to Haiti in August 1995 but he
appealed against the ruling. He remains in the USA.
(12) See Amnesty International Report 1995.
(13) The killing reported occurred during
attacks on supporters of the political opposition following a
December 2001 attack by unidentified assailants on the National
(14) As of mid-January 2004, former FADH
colonel Frantz Douby, remained in Krome detention centre in the
USA, awaiting deportation following his arrest by US immigration
authorities in August 2003. Another officer accused of human
rights violations, Luc Asmath, was arrested in September 2001
and subsequently returned to Haiti by US authorities. However,
he reportedly was not taken into custody upon arrival. His
whereabouts since his arrival in Haiti are unknown.
(15) See, for example, Urgent Action 510/90
(AI Index: AMR 36/10/90), Extrajudicial execution of Jeanine Dérosier,
18 December 1990.
(16) CNVJ report, Chapter 7, "Les
structures de la répression," "The structures of
repression." Unofficial translation.
(17) See Amnesty International Annual Report
(18) See op. cit. HAITI: Shattered hopes; see
also Urgent Actions from the relevant period.
(19) The six men had already been awarded
damages in a civil case brought in 1994, in which a United
States district court ruled that Avril bore personal
responsibility for their interrogation and torture.
(20) There were reportedly some procedural
and other irregularities with his detention relating to the
Piatre massacre, and at one point an appellate court ordered
that he be freed. However, there were questions about the
procedural correctness of the court's order, and he was not
released. Eventually an investigating magistrate ordered that
Avril remain in detention while the Piatre investigation
See the Haiti Support Group web site:www.haitisupport.gn.apc.org
Solidarity with the Haitian people's struggle
for justice, participatory democracy and equitable development,
* * *
News Online | February 23, 2004
Philippe, the leader of the Haitian rebel forces, is a former
member of the Haitian army and former police chief in some of
Haiti's larger cities. He's also suspected of drug trafficking and
of planning attacks on Haiti's police academy and its national
palace in 2001.
Haiti's military rule from 1991 to 1995, Philippe studied security
at the police academy in Quito, Ecuador, and served as security
chief for then-president René Preval, an ally of former
Aristide disbanded the military in 1995, Philippe was transferred
to the new national police force. He served as chief of police in
Delmas, a suburb of the capital, Port-au-Prince, and in Cap-Haitien,
the country's second-largest city. He was also police commissioner
2000, Haitian authorities said they had discovered Philippe was
plotting a coup with a group of other police chiefs. Philippe fled
to the Dominican Republic, the country that shares the island of
Hispaniola with Haiti.
and U.S. authorities say that Philippe was involved in drug
trafficking while he was police chief in Cap-Haitien, as well as
during his exile in the Dominican Republic, although he has never
been officially accused of any drug crimes.
Haitian government has accused Philippe of organizing an attack on
the police academy in Petionville, a suburb of Port-au-Prince, in
July 2001, and another attack in December 2001 on the national
palace. The Organization of American States investigated, but was
unable to find out who was behind the attacks.
was thought to have been in exile, but in February 2004, he
appeared at a news conference at the side of one of the leaders of
the anti-Aristide rebels.
rebel group, the National Front for the Liberation of Haiti, is
largely made up of former soldiers who lost their jobs when the
military was demobilized.
Amnesty International AI INDEX: AMR 36/013/2004
* * * * *
The Impact of the
Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World
Reviewed by Mimi Sheller
revolution that two hundred years ago created the
state of Haiti alarmed and excited public opinion on
both sides of the Atlantic. Its repercussions ranged
from the world commodity markets to the imagination
of poets, from the council chambers of the great
powers to slave quarters in Virginia and Brazil and
most points in between. Sharing attention with such
tumultuous events as the French Revolution and the
Napoleonic War, Haiti's fifteen-year struggle for
racial equality, slave emancipation, and colonial
independence challenged notions about racial
hierarchy that were gaining legitimacy in an
Atlantic world dominated by Europeans and the slave
trade. The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the
Atlantic World explores the multifarious
influence—from economic to ideological to
psychological—that a revolt on a small Caribbean
island had on the continents surrounding it.
scholars, including eminent historians David Brion Davis,
Seymour Drescher, and Robin Blackburn, explicate such diverse
ramifications as the spawning of slave resistance and the
stimulation of slavery's expansion, the opening of economic
frontiers, and the formation of black and white diasporas.
Seeking to disentangle the effects of the Haitian Revolutionfrom
those of the French Revolution, they demonstrate that its impact
was ambiguous, complex, and contradictory.—Publisher,
University of South
David P. Geggus is a
professor of history at the University of Florida in Gainesville
and a former Guggenheim and National Humanities Center fellow.
He has published extensively on the history of slavery and the
Caribbean, with a particular focus on the Haitian Revolution. He
is the author of
Slavery, War and Revolution: The British Occupation of Saint
Domingue, 1793–1798 and an editor of
A Turbulent Time: The French Revolution and the Greater
Caribbean. Geggus lives in Gainesville.
* * * * *
Slave Revolution in the Caribbean, 1789-1804
A Brief History with Documents
Dubois and John D. Garrigus
* * *
* * * *
Blacks in Hispanic Literature: Critical Essays
Blacks in Hispanic Literature is a
collection of fourteen essays by scholars and
creative writers from Africa and the Americas.
Called one of two significant critical works on
Afro-Hispanic literature to appear in the late
1970s, it includes the pioneering studies of
Carter G. Woodson and
Valaurez B. Spratlin, published in the 1930s, as
well as the essays of scholars whose interpretations
were shaped by the Black aesthetic. The early
essays, primarily of the Black-as-subject in Spanish
medieval and Golden Age literature, provide an
historical context for understanding 20th-century
creative works by African-descended, Hispanophone
writers, such as Cuban
Nicolás Guillén and Ecuadorean poet, novelist,
Adalberto Ortiz, whose essay analyzes the
significance of Negritude in Latin America. This
collaborative text set the tone for later
conferences in which writers and scholars worked
together to promote, disseminate, and critique the
literature of Spanish-speaking people of African
descent. . . .
Cited by a
literary critic in 2004 as "the seminal study in the
field of Afro-Hispanic Literature . . . on which
most scholars in the field 'cut their teeth'."
* * *
Sister Citizen: Shame, Stereotypes, and Black Women in
By Melissa V.
According to the
author, this society has historically exerted
considerable pressure on black females to fit into one
of a handful of stereotypes, primarily, the Mammy, the
Matriarch or the Jezebel. The selfless
Mammy’s behavior is marked by a slavish devotion to
white folks’ domestic concerns, often at the expense of
those of her own family’s needs. By contrast, the
relatively-hedonistic Jezebel is a sexually-insatiable
temptress. And the Matriarch is generally thought of as
an emasculating figure who denigrates black men, ala the
characters Sapphire and Aunt Esther on the television
shows Amos and Andy and Sanford and Son, respectively.
points out how the propagation of these harmful myths
have served the mainstream culture well. For instance,
the Mammy suggests that it is almost second nature for
black females to feel a maternal instinct towards
As for the source
of the Jezebel, black women had no control over their
own bodies during slavery given that they were being
auctioned off and bred to maximize profits. Nonetheless,
it was in the interest of plantation owners to propagate
the lie that sisters were sluts inclined to mate
* * *
update 6 May 2010