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Books by
Martin Luther King, Jr.
The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr.
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Strength to Love /
The Measure of a Man /
Why We Can't Wait
A Testament of Hope /
A Knock at Midnight /
The Papers of Martin Luther King, Jr., 1948-1963
Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community /
Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story
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Martin Luther King’s Vision
of the Beloved Community
By
Kenneth L. Smith and Ira G. Zepp, Jr.
Central to the thinking of Martin Luther King
was the concept of the "Beloved Community." Liberalism
and personalism provided its theological and philosophical
foundations, and nonviolence the means to attain it. True,
King’s initial optimism about the possibility of actualizing
that community in history was in time qualified by Reinhold
Niebuhr’s Christian realism. But the concept as such can be
traced through all his speeches and writings, from the earliest
to the last.
In one of his first published articles he
stated that the purpose of the Montgomery bus boycott "is
reconciliation, . . . redemption, the creation of the beloved
community." In 1957, writing in the newsletter of the newly
formed Southern Christian Leadership Conference, he described
the purpose and goal of that organization as follows: "The
ultimate aim of SCLC is to foster and create the ‘beloved
community’ in America where brotherhood is a reality. . . .
SCLC works for integration. Our ultimate goal is genuine
intergroup and interpersonal living -- integration." And in
his last book he declared: "Our loyalties must transcend
our race, our tribe, our class, and our nation . . ."
King’s was a vision of a completely
integrated society, a community of love and justice wherein
brotherhood would be an actuality in all of social life. In his
mind, such a community would be the ideal corporate expression
of the Christian faith.
A Vision of Total Relatedness
Integration, as King understood it, is much
more inclusive and positive than desegregation. Desegregation is
essentially negative in that it eliminates discrimination
against blacks in public accommodations, education, housing and
employment -- in those aspects of social life that can be
corrected by laws. Integration, however, is "the positive
acceptance of desegregation and the welcomed participation of
Negroes in the total range of human activities."
But King did not believe that the transition
from desegregation to integration would be inevitable or
automatic. Whereas desegregation can be brought about by laws,
integration requires a change in attitudes. It involves personal
and social relationships that are created by love -- and these
cannot be legislated. Once segregation has been abolished and
desegregation accomplished, blacks and whites will have to learn
to relate to each other across those nonrational, psychological
barriers which have traditionally separated them in our society.
All of us will have to become color blind.
As King said, desegregation will only produce
"a society where men are physically desegregated and
spiritually segregated, where elbows are together and hearts
apart. It gives us social togetherness and spiritual apartness.
It leaves us with a stagnant equality of sameness rather than a
constructive equality of oneness." But integration will
bring in an entirely different kind of society whose character
is best summed up in the phrase "Black and White
Together" -- the title of one of the chapters of Why We
Can’t Wait and the theme of one stanza of the civil rights
movement’s hymn "We Shall Overcome." Integration
will enlarge "the concept of brotherhood to a vision of
total interrelatedness."
Behind King’s conception of the Beloved
Community lay his assumption that human existence is social in
nature. "The solidarity of the human family" is a
phrase he frequently used to express this idea. "We are
tied together in the single garment of destiny, caught in an
inescapable network of mutuality," he said in one of his
addresses. This was a way of affirming that reality is made up
of structures that form an interrelated whole; in other words,
that human beings are dependent upon each other.
Whatever a person is or possesses he owes to
others who have preceded him. As King wrote: "Whether we
realize it or not, each of us lives eternally ‘in the red.’
" Recognition of one’s indebtedness to past generations
should inhibit the sense of self-sufficiency and promote
awareness that personal growth cannot take place apart from
meaningful relationships with other persons, that the
"I" cannot attain fulfillment without the
"Thou."
King saw the participants in the civil rights
movement as representing the Beloved Community in microcosm. The
people who attended the movement’s mass meetings and rallies,
joined in its demonstrations, and supported its aims in many
other ways came from every section of American society. The
educated and the illiterate, the affluent and the welfare
recipient, white and black -- men and women who heretofore had
been separated by rigid social and legal codes were brought
together in a common cause. Indeed, since King wanted to make
the base of the movement as broad as possible, he frequently
called upon whites for help in his various campaigns.
Justice for Everyone
After the March to Montgomery in the spring
of 1966, several thousand marchers were delayed at the airport
because their planes were late. As King tells it, he was deeply
impressed by the heterogeneity yet the obvious unity of the
crowd:
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As I stood with them
and saw white and Negro, nuns and priests, ministers and
rabbis, labor organizers, lawyers, doctors, housemaids
and shopworkers brimming with vitality and enjoying a
rare comradeship, I knew I was seeing a microcosm of the
mankind of the future in this moment of luminous and
genuine brotherhood [Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos
or Community? (Harper & Row, 1967)’ p. 9] |
In King’s view, the interrelatedness of
human existence means that "injustice anywhere is a threat
to justice everywhere." He believed that denial of
constitutional rights to anyone potentially violates the rights
of all. It is the entire national community that is the victim
of electric cattle prods and biting police dogs. Discrimination
against 10 per cent of our population weakens the whole social
fabric. Race and poverty are not merely sectional problems but
American problems. It follows that the liberation of black
people will also mean the emancipation of white people. King
took seriously the indivisibility of human existence. "In a
real sense," he wrote, "all life is interrelated. The
agony of the poor enriches the rich. We are inevitably our
brother’s keeper because we are our brother’s brother.
Whatever affects one directly affects all indirectly" (ibid.,
p. 181).
His approach to human existence led King to
believe that in seeking to eliminate racial injustice, the civil
rights movement was making a far larger contribution to the
national life. Integration is usually associated solely with the
struggle for racial equality, but King conceived of it in a much
broader way. He envisioned a future society in which persons
would not be malformed as a result of racial hatred or economic
exploitation. That is, King was not concerned about justice for
blacks as opposed to justice for whites; he was concerned about
justice for everyone. And he made perfectly clear what he meant
by that:
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Let us be dissatisfied
until rat-infested, vermin-filled slums will be a thing
of a dark past and every family will have a decent
sanitary house in which to live. Let us be dissatisfied
until the empty stomachs of Mississippi are filled and
the idle industries of Appalachia are revitalized. . . .
Let us be dissatisfied until our brothers of the Third
World of Asia, Africa and Latin America will no longer
be the victims of imperialist exploitation, but will be
lifted from the long night of poverty, illiteracy and
disease ["Honoring Dr. Du Bois," in Freedomways,
VIII, s (Spring 1968), pp. 110-111]. |
Plainly, King’s vision of justice included
all the world’s poor -- blacks, whites, browns and reds: North
and South Americans, Africans, Asians and Europeans. Economic
justice, he held, is a right of the entire human race. He was
aware too that securing this right for all would require
elimination of the structures of economic injustice
characteristic of capitalism.
Alleviating Economic Inequity
King’s views on this entire question grew
out of his early championship of an egalitarian, socialistic
approach to wealth and property. "A life," he wrote,
"is sacred. Property is intended to serve life, and no
matter how much we surround it with rights and respect, it has
no personal being. It is part of the earth man walks on; it is
not man." He repeatedly condemned the United States’
economic system for withholding the necessities of life from the
masses while heaping luxuries on the few.
One of our major goals, he declared, should
be to bridge the gap between abject poverty and inordinate
wealth. To this end he began, during the latter part of his
life, to advocate a variety of economic programs, including the
creation of jobs by government and the institution of a
guaranteed annual minimal income. He was impatient with phrases
like "human dignity"’ and "brotherhood of
man" when they did not find concrete expression in the
structures of society.
The point is that King believed it was
God’s intention that everyone should have the physical and
spiritual necessities of life. He could not envision the Beloved
Community apart from the alleviation of economic inequity and
the achievement of economic justice. Harvey Cox has aptly
pointed out that King combined with this emphasis two
traditional biblical themes: the "holiness of the
poor" and the "blessed community." In the
movement King led, blacks were the embodiment of "the
poor" and integration represented the vision of "the
holy community." Cox explains:
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It is . . . essential
to notice that the two elements, the holy outcast and
the blessed community, must go together. Without the
vision of restored community, the holiness ascribed to
the poor would fall far short of politics and result in
a mere perpetuation of charity and service
activities’’ [On Not Leaving It to the Snake (Macmillan,
1967). P. 133]. |
Pilgrimage to the Promised Land
In speaking about the possibility of actualizing the Beloved
community in history, King attempted to avoid what he called
"a superficial optimism" upon the on hand, and "a
crippling pessimism" on the other. He knew that the
solution of social problems is a slow process. At the same time,
he was confident that, through God’s help and human effort,
social progress could be made. He said in a definitive passage:
| Although man’s moral
pilgrimage may never reach a destination point on earth,
his never-ceasing strivings may bring him ever closer to
the city of righteousness. And though the Kingdom of god
may remain not yet as universal reality in history, in
the present it may exist in such isolated forms as in
judgment, in personal devotion, and in some group life.
. . . Above all, we must be reminded anew that God is at
work in his universe. lie is hot outside the world
looking on within a. son of cold indifference. . . . As
we struggle to defeat the forces of evil, the God of the
universe struggles with us. Evil dies on the seashore,
not merely because of man’s endless struggle against
it, but because of God’s power to defeat it [Struggle
to Love (Harper & Row, 1961). p. 64]. |
Thus, though acutely aware that the Beloved Community is
"not yet," but in the future -- perhaps even the
distant future -- Martin Luther King believed that it would
eventually be actualized, and already lie saw approximations of
it. That is why he worked unceasingly for the realization of his
dream and never lost hope that "there will be a great camp
meeting in the promised land’ His hope was rooted in his faith
in the power of God to achieve his purpose among humankind
within history.
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Dr. Smith is on the
faculty at Colgate Rochester/Bexley Hall/Crozer in Rochester,
New York. Dr. Zepp is Dean of the chapel and assistant professor
of religion at Western Maryland College.
Source: The Christian Century (3 April 1974)
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updated 19 May 2008 |