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Black History Is
American History
By Eric Holder,
Attorney General
at the
Department of
Justice
"Though this
nation has
proudly thought
of itself as an
ethnic melting
pot, in things
racial
we have always
been and
continue to be,
in too many
ways,
essentially a
nation of
cowards.
Wednesday,
February 18,
2009
Every year, in
February, we
attempt to
recognize and to
appreciate black
history. It is a
worthwhile
endeavor for the
contributions of
African
Americans to
this great
nation are
numerous and
significant.
Even as we fight
a war against
terrorism, deal
with the reality
of electing an
African American
as our President
for the first
time and deal
with the other
significant
issues of the
day, the need to
confront our
racial past, and
our racial
present, and to
understand the
history of
African people
in this country,
endures. One
cannot truly
understand
America without
understanding
the historical
experience of
black people in
this nation.
Simply put, to
get to the heart
of this country
one must examine
its racial soul.
Though this
nation has
proudly thought
of itself as an
ethnic melting
pot, in things
racial we have
always been and
continue to be,
in too many
ways,
essentially a
nation of
cowards. Though
race related
issues continue
to occupy a
significant
portion of our
political
discussion, and
though there
remain many
unresolved
racial issues in
this nation, we,
average
Americans,
simply do not
talk enough with
each other about
race. It is an
issue we have
never been at
ease with and
given our
nation’s history
this is in some
ways
understandable.
And yet, if we
are to make
progress in this
area we must
feel comfortable
enough with one
another, and
tolerant enough
of each other,
to have frank
conversations
about the racial
matters that
continue to
divide us. But
we must do
more—and we in
this room bear a
special
responsibility.
Through its work
and through its
example this
Department of
Justice, as long
as I am here,
must—and
will—lead the
nation to the
"new birth of
freedom" so long
ago promised by
our greatest
President. This
is our duty and
our solemn
obligation.
We commemorated
five years ago,
the 50th
anniversary of
the landmark
Brown v. Board
of Education
decision. And
though the world
in which we now
live is
fundamentally
different than
that which
existed then,
this nation has
still not come
to grips with
its racial past
nor has it been
willing to
contemplate, in
a truly
meaningful way,
the diverse
future it is
fated to have.
To our
detriment, this
is typical of
the way in which
this nation
deals with
issues of race.
And so I would
suggest that we
use February of
every year to
not only
commemorate
black history
but also to
foster a period
of dialogue
among the races.
This is
admittedly an
artificial
device to
generate
discussion that
should come more
naturally, but
our history is
such that we
must find ways
to force
ourselves to
confront that
which we have
become expert at
avoiding.
As a nation we
have done a
pretty good job
in melding the
races in the
workplace. We
work with one
another, lunch
together and,
when the event
is at the
workplace during
work hours or
shortly
thereafter, we
socialize with
one another
fairly well,
irrespective of
race. And yet
even this
interaction
operates within
certain
limitations. We
know, by
"American
instinct" and by
learned
behavior, that
certain subjects
are off limits
and that to
explore them
risks, at best
embarrassment,
and, at worst,
the questioning
of one’s
character. And
outside the
workplace the
situation is
even more bleak
in that there is
almost no
significant
interaction
between us. On
Saturdays and
Sundays America
in the year 2009
does not, in
some ways,
differ
significantly
from the country
that existed
some fifty years
ago. This is
truly sad. Given
all that we as a
nation went
through during
the civil rights
struggle it is
hard for me to
accept that the
result of those
efforts was to
create an
America that is
more prosperous,
more positively
race conscious
and yet is
voluntarily
socially
segregated.
As a nation we
should use Black
History month as
a means to deal
with this
continuing
problem. By
creating what
will admittedly
be, at first,
artificial
opportunities to
engage one
another we can
hasten the day
when the dream
of individual,
character based,
acceptance can
actually be
realized. To
respect one
another we must
have a basic
understanding of
one another. And
so we should use
events such as
this to not only
learn more about
the facts of
black history
but also to
learn more about
each other. This
will be, at
first, a process
that is both
awkward and
painful but the
rewards are
potentially
great. The
alternative is
to allow to
continue the
polite,
restrained
mixing that now
passes as
meaningful
interaction but
that
accomplishes
little.
Imagine if you
will situations
where
people—regardless
of their skin
color—could
confront racial
issues freely
and without
fear. The
potential of
this country,
that is becoming
increasingly
diverse, would
be greatly
enhanced. I fear
however, that we
are taking steps
that, rather
than advancing
us as a nation
are actually
dividing us even
further. We
still speak too
much of "them"
and not "us".
There can, for
instance, be
very legitimate
debate about the
question of
affirmative
action. This
debate can, and
should, be
nuanced,
principled and
spirited. But
the conversation
that we now
engage in as a
nation on this
and other racial
subjects is too
often simplistic
and left to
those on the
extremes who are
not hesitant to
use these issues
to advance
nothing more
than their own,
narrow self
interest.
Our history has
demonstrated
that the vast
majority of
Americans are
uncomfortable
with, and would
like to not have
to deal with,
racial matters
and that is why
those, black or
white, elected
or
self-appointed,
who promise
relief in easy,
quick solutions,
no matter how
divisive, are
embraced. We are
then free to
retreat to our
race protected
cocoons where
much is
comfortable and
where progress
is not really
made. If we
allow this
attitude to
persist in the
face of the most
significant
demographic
changes that
this nation has
ever
confronted—and
remember, there
will be no
majority race in
America in about
fifty years—the
coming diversity
that could be
such a powerful,
positive force
will, instead,
become a reason
for stagnation
and
polarization. We
cannot allow
this to happen
and one way to
prevent such an
unwelcome
outcome is to
engage one
another more
routinely—and to
do so now.
As I indicated
before, the
artificial
device that is
Black History
month is a
perfect vehicle
for the
beginnings of
such a dialogue.
And so I urge
all of you to
use the
opportunity of
this month to
talk with your
friends and
co-workers on
the other side
of the divide
about racial
matters. In this
way we can
hasten the day
when we truly
become one
America.
It is also clear
that if we are
to better
understand one
another the
study of black
history is
essential
because the
history of black
America and the
history of this
nation are
inextricably
tied to each
other. It is for
this reason that
the study of
black history is
important to
everyone—black
or white. For
example, the
history of the
United States in
the nineteenth
century revolves
around a
resolution of
the question of
how America was
going to deal
with its black
inhabitants. The
great debates of
that era and the
war that was
ultimately
fought are all
centered around
the issue of,
initially,
slavery and then
the
reconstruction
of the
vanquished
region. A
dominant
domestic issue
throughout the
twentieth
century was,
again, America's
treatment of its
black citizens.
The civil rights
movement of the
1950's and
1960's changed
America in truly
fundamental
ways. Americans
of all colors
were forced to
examine basic
beliefs and long
held views. Even
so, most people,
who are not
conversant with
history, still
do not really
comprehend the
way in which
that movement
transformed
America. In
racial terms the
country that
existed before
the civil rights
struggle is
almost
unrecognizable
to us today.
Separate public
facilities,
separate
entrances, poll
taxes, legal
discrimination,
forced labor, in
essence an
American
apartheid, all
were part of an
America that the
movement
destroyed. To
attend her
state’s taxpayer
supported
college in 1963
my late sister
in law had to be
escorted to
class by United
States Marshals
and past the
state’s
governor, George
Wallace. That
frightening
reality seems
almost
unthinkable to
us now. The
civil rights
movement made
America, if not
perfect, better.
In addition, the
other major
social movements
of the latter
half of the
twentieth
century—feminism,
the nation's
treatment of
other minority
groups, even the
anti-war
effort—were all
tied in some way
to the spirit
that was set
free by the
quest for
African American
equality. Those
other movements
may have
occurred in the
absence of the
civil rights
struggle but the
fight for black
equality came
first and helped
to shape the way
in which other
groups of people
came to think of
themselves and
to raise their
desire for equal
treatment.
Further, many of
the tactics that
were used by
these other
groups were
developed in the
civil rights
movement.
And today the
link between the
black experience
and this country
is still
evident. While
the problems
that continue to
afflict the
black community
may be more
severe, they are
an indication of
where the rest
of the nation
may be if
corrective
measures are not
taken. Our inner
cities are still
too conversant
with crime but
the level of
fear generated
by that crime,
now found in
once quiet, and
now
electronically
padlocked
suburbs is
alarming and
further
demonstrates
that our past,
present and
future are
linked. It is
not safe for
this nation to
assume that the
unaddressed
social problems
in the poorest
parts of our
country can be
isolated and
will not
ultimately
affect the
larger society.
Black history is
extremely
important
because it is
American
history. Given
this, it is in
some ways sad
that there is a
need for a black
history month.
Though we are
all enlarged by
our study and
knowledge of the
roles played by
blacks in
American
history, and
though there is
a crying need
for all of us to
know and
acknowledge the
contributions of
black America, a
black history
month is a
testament to the
problem that has
afflicted blacks
throughout our
stay in this
country. Black
history is given
a separate, and
clearly not
equal, treatment
by our society
in general and
by our
educational
institutions in
particular. As a
former American
history major I
am struck by the
fact that such a
major part of
our national
story has been
divorced from
the whole.
In law, culture,
science,
athletics,
industry and
other fields,
knowledge of the
roles played by
blacks is
critical to an
understanding of
the American
experiment. For
too long we have
been too willing
to segregate the
study of black
history. There
is clearly a
need at present
for a device
that focuses the
attention of the
country on the
study of the
history of its
black citizens.
But we must
endeavor to
integrate black
history into our
culture and into
our curriculums
in ways in which
it has never
occurred before
so that the
study of black
history, and a
recognition of
the
contributions of
black Americans,
become
commonplace.
Until that time,
Black History
Month must
remain an
important, vital
concept. But we
have to
recognize that
until black
history is
included in the
standard
curriculum in
our schools and
becomes a
regular part of
all our lives,
it will be
viewed as a
novelty,
relatively
unimportant and
not as weighty
as so called
"real" American
history.
I, like many in
my generation,
have been
fortunate in my
life and have
had a great
number of
wonderful
opportunities.
Some may
consider me to
be a part of
black history.
But we do a
great disservice
to the concept
of black history
recognition if
we fail to
understand that
any success that
I have had,
cannot be viewed
in isolation. I
stood, and
stand, on the
shoulders of
many other black
Americans.
Admittedly, the
identities of
some of these
people, through
the passage of
time, have
become lost to
us—the men, and
women, who
labored long in
fields, who were
later legally
and systemically
discriminated
against, who
were lynched by
the hundreds in
the century just
past and those
others who have
been too long
denied the
fruits of our
great American
culture.
The names of too
many of these
people, these
heroes and
heroines, are
lost to us. But
the names of
others of these
people should
strike a
resonant chord
in the
historical ear
of all in our
nation:
Frederick
Douglass, W.E.B. Du Bois,
Walter White,
Langston Hughes,
Marcus Garvey,
Martin Luther
King,
Malcolm X, Joe Louis, Jackie Robinson,
Charles
Drew, Paul
Robeson,
Ralph Ellison,
James Baldwin,
Toni Morrison,
Vivian Malone,
Rosa Parks,
Marion Anderson,
Emmett Till.
These are just
some of the
people who
should be
generally
recognized and
are just some of
the people to
whom all of us,
black and white,
owe such a debt
of gratitude. It
is on their
broad shoulders
that I stand as
I hope that
others will some
day stand on my
more narrow
ones.
Black history is
a subject worthy
of study by all
our nation's
people. Blacks
have played a
unique,
productive role
in the
development of
America. Perhaps
the greatest
strength of the
United States is
the diversity of
its people and
to truly
understand this
country one must
have knowledge
of its
constituent
parts. But an
unstudied, not
discussed and
ultimately
misunderstood
diversity can
become a
divisive force.
An appreciation
of the unique
black past,
acquired through
the study of
black history,
will help lead
to understanding
and true
compassion in
the present,
where it is
still so sorely
needed, and to a
future where all
of our people
are truly
valued.
Thank you.
Source:
USDOJ* *
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Response
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U.S. a 'nation of cowards' on
race, 1st black attorney general says—Mary Frances Berry, the former
chairwoman of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, said: "When I heard it,
I called over there and told them to tell Eric that I thought it was a
gutsy speech, a timely speech."
Holder implied he plans to address issues such as race and social
justice as the top law-enforcement official. Holder told his Justice
Department subordinates that the nation "must do more, and we in this
room bear a special responsibility."
Joe Hicks, a black Republican and the former executive director of the
Los Angeles City Human Relations Commission, called Holder's comments
incendiary and an inaccurate portrayal of a nation.
"Here's the first black attorney general appointed by the first black
American president, and he's espousing views that appear to be almost
ultraleft in their approach to race in America, that blacks are victims
and whites are intolerant and accepting of quasi-racist views," Hicks
said.
ChicagoTribune
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Holder: US a nation of cowards
on racial matters—Andrew Grant-Thomas, Deputy Director of the Kirwan
Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity at Ohio State University,
praised Holder's general message but said the wording of the speech may
alienate some.
"He's right on the substance, but
that's probably not the most politic way of saying it. I'm certain there
are people who will hear him and say, 'That's obnoxious,'" he said,
adding that what was missing from Holder's speech were specific examples
of what painful subjects need to be addressed.
Hilary Shelton, vice president of
the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, called
the speech "constructively provocative."
"Nobody wants to be considered a
coward. We've learned to get along by exclusion and silence. We need to
talk about it. People need to feel comfortable saying the wrong things,"
said Shelton.
Holder is headed to Guantanamo Bay
early next week to inspect the terrorist detention facility there. Obama
has assigned Holder to lead a special task force aimed at closing the
site within a year.
Holder's Justice Department will
have to decide which suspects to bring to U.S. courts for trial, which
to prosecute through the military justice system, and which to send back
to their home countries.
Yahoo
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Holder's 'Cowards' Comments Examined—There
have been varied reactions to these remarks, including from Joe Klein,
Time magazine's political columnist and author, and Michael Eric
Dyson, an author and professor at Georgetown University.
NPR
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Race History and Eric Holders
Remarks—Bill Fletcher, Jr.—The problem that Holder encountered was
not simply the attitude of the people of the USA toward race, but more
fundamentally, the prevailing attitude toward history. The USA has the
distinction of being one of the few countries on the planet that has
little interest in history as such, and when it is forced to address
history, it tends to view history in terms of myth(s). As such, there
are few useful lessons, often making history a boring subject in school,
not to mention something that is ignored when it is time to develop
policy. Let's take the example of the American Revolution. Most of what
passes for the history of the War of Independence either falls into the
realm of myth or the selective use of facts. Rarely are we presented
with the significant fact that the colonies probably would not have won
had it not been for the intervention of the French and Spanish (not to
mention Haitian volunteers who are often completely overlooked).
Ignoring these facts, except perhaps to acknowledge the Marquis de
Lafayette, gives one a completely inaccurate sense of what it took to
win independence from Britain, not to mention the impact the American
Revolution had on bringing a revolution to France.
BlackCommentator
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The Quest: Energy, Security, and the Remaking of the Modern World
By Daniel Yergin
Renowned energy authority Daniel Yergin continues the riveting story begun in his Pulitzer Prize winning book, The Prize, in this gripping account of the quest for the energy the world needs—and the power and riches that come with it. A master story teller as well as one of the world's great experts, Yergin proves that energy is truly the engine of global political and economic change, as well as central to the battle over climate change. From the jammed streets of Beijing, the shores of the Caspian Sea, and the conflicts in the Mideast, to Capitol Hill and Silicon Valley, Yergin takes us inside the decisions and choices that are shaping our future. Without understanding the realities of energy examined in The Quest, we may surrender our place at the helm of history. One of our great narrative writers, Yergin tells the inside stories—of the oil market, the rise of the "petrostate," the race to control the resources of the former Soviet empire, and the massive corporate mergers that transformed the oil landscape. He shows how the drama of oil—the struggle for access to it, the battle for control, the insecurity of supply, the consequences of its use, its impact on the global economy, and the geopolitics that dominate it—will continue to shape our world. He takes on the toughest questions—will we run out of oil, and are China and the United States destined to conflict over oil? Yergin also reveals the surprising and turbulent history of nuclear, coal, electricity, and natural gas. He investigates the "rebirth of renewables" —biofuels and wind, as well as solar energy, which venture capitalists are betting will be "the next big thing" for meeting the needs of a growing world economy. He makes clear why understanding this greening landscape and its future role are crucial. |
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Salvage the Bones
A Novel by Jesmyn Ward
On one level, Salvage the Bones is a simple story about a poor black family that’s about to be trashed by one of the most deadly hurricanes in U.S. history. What makes the novel so powerful, though, is the way Ward winds private passions with that menace gathering force out in the Gulf of Mexico. Without a hint of pretension, in the simple lives of these poor people living among chickens and abandoned cars, she evokes the tenacious love and desperation of classical tragedy. The force that pushes back against Katrina’s inexorable winds is the voice of Ward’s narrator, a 14-year-old girl named Esch, the only daughter among four siblings. Precocious, passionate and sensitive, she speaks almost entirely in phrases soaked in her family’s raw land. Everything here is gritty, loamy and alive, as though the very soil were animated. Her brother’s “blood smells like wet hot earth after summer rain. . . . His scalp looks like fresh turned dirt.” Her father’s hands “are like gravel,” while her own hand “slides through his grip like a wet fish,” and a handsome boy’s “muscles jabbered like chickens.” Admittedly, Ward can push so hard on this simile-obsessed style that her paragraphs risk sounding like a compost heap, but this isn’t usually just metaphor for metaphor’s sake. She conveys something fundamental about Esch’s fluid state of mind: her figurative sense of the world in which all things correspond and connect. She and her brothers live in a ramshackle house steeped in grief since their mother died giving birth to her last child. . . . What remains, what’s salvaged, is something indomitable in these tough siblings, the strength of their love, the permanence of their devotion.—WashingtonPost |
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The White Masters of the
World
From
The World and Africa, 1965
By W. E. B. Du Bois
W. E. B. Du Bois’
Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization
(Fletcher)
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Ancient African Nations
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If you like this page consider making a donation
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Negro Digest /
Black World
Browse all issues
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Enjoy!
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The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan
/
The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll
/
Only a Pawn in Their Game
Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for
Slavery /
George Jackson /
Hurricane Carter
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The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg
The
Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804
/
January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of
Haiti
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ChickenBones Store
(Books, DVDs, Music, and more)
posted 20
February 2009
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