ChickenBones: A Journal

for Literary & Artistic African-American Themes

   

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 Poor whites chafed with frustrated desire to own slaves and lord it over Black people.

The pivotal notion of their racist superiority complex was an unshakeable belief

 in white skin privilege, no matter how poor and low-down the white man.

 

 

Books by Clarence J. Munford

Production relations, class and Black liberation: A Marxist perspective in Afro-American studies (1978)

 

The Black Ordeal of Slavery and Slave Trading in the French West Indies 1625-1715 (1991)

 

Race and Reparations: A Black Perspective for the 21st Century   (1996) / Race and Civilization: The Rebirth of Black Centrality (2003) 

 

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Boukman and His Comrades

Haiti Becomes Pariah of Western Powers

By Clarence J. Munford

The run-up to the great blow struck by Boukman and his comrades still provides the best and most detailed example of a revolutionary situation in the Black race's lengthy history. By 1789 Black Haiti had readied both the ideological and the human raw material. And Boukman and his maroons were the vanguard organizers of the great slave insurrection of  1791, and even after Boukman's untimely death in battle his followers continued as the source of the main leadership cadre. Rank-and-file fighters were permeated with ideas that were revolutionary under the circumstances, an ideology consisting of firm belief in divination, trances and possession, and prophecy. 

Above all, there was fervid faith that those leading the fight for freedom were instilled with cosmic energy and could not err, the whole backed with the "Raynalism" outlined earlier. The revolutionary situation was compounded by a severe provisions crisis spreading a famine that helped to mobilize the slaves, and by the deep division among the whites. Separatism caused friction between wealthy slaveholders who wanted to break free from colonial overlord France, on one side, and high crown officials whose jobs depended on the imperial ties, on the other. 

But both wings of the white slaveholding aristocracy regarded the poor whites with cold contempt. Poor whites hated and envied the white aristocrats above them. To a man, though, they despised slaves, mulattos, and free Blacks. Poor whites chafed with frustrated desire to own slaves and lord it over Black people. The pivotal notion of their racist superiority complex was an unshakeable belief in white skin privilege, no matter how poor and low-down the white man. These poor whites were the most ferocious defenders of what they considered the ennobling quality of whiteness.

In short, these cleavages among the island's white inhabitants prevented a united front against the Black insurgents until it was too late.

Lastly, an essential ingredient in the revolutionary situation was the happenstance that the Black slaves---the sole revolutionary class in the country---were suffering worsening working conditions precisely at the moment when individual manumission was being closed down, and runaways were even being shipped forcibly to the plantations from as far away as France.

The Haitians waged a long and bitter guerrilla war and took exacting revenge on their white oppressors. Eventually the Black freedom fighters were left to themselves without an international ally, as revolutionary France succumbed to Napoleonic despotism. Terrified, the forces of white supremacy rallied together internationally, ringing the revolutionary infestation in the Caribbean with a grim embargo. Having suppressed its own domestic class-revolutionaries, France led the way. Britain, accumulating seed-capital for its industrialization from the enslavement of Blacks and bent on consolidating the empire upon which "the sun never set", cooperated. 

Newly-independent America, the young United States of slaveholder Presidents Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, anxious to protect Southern plantations, jumped in with obscene enthusiasm. These white powers ganged up to choke Haitian liberation in the bud. The revolutionary spark was doused before it could ignite the Black slaves of the West Indies, USA and the Spanish and Portuguese colonies. Haiti was isolated diplomatically and prevented from setting off further conflagrations, as the white "Great Powers" of the time slapped a ban on the infant Black state as pitiless as the one the United States maintains against revolutionary Cuba today. 

Haiti became a pariah, and by the early 19th century had been driven into dire poverty. A series of corrupt puppet regimes were foisted on the people, culminating in the Ton-Ton Macoute, the Duvaliers and military junta terror. Such was revolutionary Haiti's punishment for having dared to challenge white supremacy.

Source: Dr. Munford's series -- TO CHANGE OUR WORLD FIRST UNDERSTAND OUR WORLD 

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updated 12 April 2008

 

 

  

 DR. Clarence J. Munford is Professor Emeritus of Black Studies and History at the University of Guelph, Guelph, Ontario, near Toronto. He was born in Massillon, Ohio on November 18, 1935. C.J. Munford, an African American with dual Canadian-U.S. citizenship, has taught in universities in Nigeria, Europe and U.S., in a college teaching career that began in 1959.

He introduced the first courses in Black history in an Ontario university in 1969. He is the recipient of the 1997 African Heritage Studies Association Book Award for Race and Reparations: A Black Perspective for the 21st Century. Munford is active in the N’COBRA campaign for reparations for African Americans.

He is a scholar and activist who has authored numerous articles, addresses and essays, and a three-volume autopsy of early Black enslavement in the West Indies, entitled Black Ordeal (1991). He has focused on the theory and practice of revolutionary nationalism from a Pan-Africanist slant.

Munford is the lead discoverer of civilizational historicism, the theory of human history from a Black vantage point. His newest work, a volume entitled Race and Civilization: The Rebirth of Black Centrality, elaborates and substantiates empirical discoveries presented in earlier works. Race and Civilization was awarded the 2002 AHSA Edward Blyden Book Award. This treatise offers civilizational historicism as the theory and practice of World Black struggle against

global white supremacy in the 21st century. Builds on the author's previous work, Race and Reparations (1996) and in a three-volume study of the Atlantic slave trade, Black Ordeal (1991). Bib, index, 443pp, USA.. AFRICA WORLD PRESS, 086543896X  2002 paperback 

 

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Related files:   Boukman and His Comrades  Atlantic Slave Traffic  N'COBRA   Benefits of Whiteness