|
Books by Wilson
Jeremiah Moses
Golden Age of Black Nationalism,
1850-1925 (1988) /
The Wings of Ethiopia
(1990)
Alexander
Crummell: A Study of Civilization and Discontent
(1992) /
Destiny & Race: Selected Writings, 1840-1898
(1992)
Black
Messiahs and Uncle Toms: Social and Literary
Manipulations of a Religious Myth (1993)
Liberian Dreams: Back-to-Africa
Narratives from the 1850s
/
Afrotopia: The Roots of African American
Popular History
(2002)
Creative Conflict in African American Thought (2004)
/
Classical Black Nationalism: From the American
Revolution to Marcus Garvey
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* * *
Celebrating
Alexander Crummell: Reform, Education, Liberation
Symposium
University of Cambridge 22-23 September 2011
I saw
Alexander Crummell first at a Wilberforce
commencement season, amid its bustle and
crush. Tall, frail, and black he stood, with
simple dignity and an unmistakable air of
good breeding. I talked with him apart,
where the storming of the lusty young
orators could not harm us. I spoke to him
politely, then curiously, then eagerly, as I
began to feel the fineness of his
character,—his calm courtesy, the sweetness
of his strength, and his fair blending of
the hope and truth of life. Instinctively I
bowed before this man, as one bows before
the prophets of the world.—W.
E. B. Du Bois,
The Souls of Black Folk
* *
* * *
Alexander Crummell, like Henry Highland
Garnet, embraced the controversial belief
that African Americans could, and should,
return to Africa to colonize the nation of
Liberia. The son of a slave father and a
free mother, Crummell was born in New York
City in 1819. Crummell was educated at the
New York African Free School, and, as was
the case with other graduates of the school,
Crummell had difficulty gaining access to
higher education. He attended schools in New
Hampshire and Oneida, New York. He was
ordained a minister at the age of 25.
Unfortunately, race excluded him from equal
commerce with white clergy in the United
States, and he moved to England, where he
received a degree at Queens College, in
Cambridge.
Crummell spent over twenty years as a
missionary to Liberia. In doing so, he
occupied a thorny position—he came from a
land which discriminated against his race,
armed with the very beliefs in African
inferiority that had made his own life so
difficult. As a Christian minister, he
sought to “civilize” Africans by bringing
them Christianity to replace their own
native customs and religious practices. In
1880, Crummell founded a school and a church
in Washington, D.C.—NYHistory
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* * *
According to
Wilson
Moses,
“Classical black nationalism originated in
the 1700s, reached its first peak in the
1850s, underwent a decline toward the end of
the Civil War, and peaked again in the
1920s, as a result of the Garvey Movement.”
John H. Bracey, Jr., August Meier, and
Elliot Rudwick, in an excellent compilation
of primary documents,
Black Nationalism in America, offer
a similar lineage of pre-twentieth-century
black nationalistic thought. These authors
identify racial solidarity, cultural
nationalism, religious nationalism, economic
nationalism, bourgeois reformism,
revolutionary black nationalism,
emigrationism, territorial separatism, and
pan-Negroism (or pan-Africanism) as
“varieties of black nationalism, of varying
degrees of intensity.” —DeepBlue
* *
* * *
Anglo-African and
Negro-Saxons
Writing the History of Black Nationalism
Excerpts by Tracy K. Flemming
from
his dissertation "Negro
Travel
and the Pan-African Imagination during the Nineteenth
Century"
As opposed to
earlier treatments, recent scholarly investigations have
correctly identified early black nationalists‘
conservatism.
Wilson Jeremiah Moses has constantly noted the
conservative and elite character of nationalism during
the “classical” or “golden age of black nationalism.”
His work on one of the most important African American
black nationalist intellectuals, Alexander Crummell,
remains the most authoritative treatment of any figure
within this segment of black intellectualism. As Moses‘s
fitting subtitle of his intellectual biography of
Crummell suggests, “civilization and discontent” aptly
describes the epistemological frameworks of several of
the major black nationalists during the
nineteenth-century. In the case of the Crummell, the
Episcopalian minister‘s disdain for “slave religion” and
culture led him to vehemently protest the Negro‘s
subjugation to ignorant, quasi-Christian southern
whites. “What the Negro needs is CIVILIZATION” lamented
Crummell, a black man educated at the Queen‘s College
(Cambridge University) who was well aware that a great
number of whites, representative of all social and
intellectual strata, regarded him simply, and at best,
as an exception. Though he probably would have viewed
such a comment as offensive to his “full-blooded
African” lineage, Crummell knew that he was always
considered to be a classically educated Victorian
“Negro,” in the worst sense.302
The Case of Alexander Crummell
One of the most prolific black intellectuals during this
period, was
Alexander Crummell (March 3, 1819- September 10,
1898). He is one of the most important progenitor of
twentieth-century black nationalism and pan-Africanism.303
Crummell‘s concern with Africa was not one-dimensional.
Man‘s divine duty to partake in the grand march toward
perfection or civilization was his primary concern.
Inextricably bound to Man‘s duty was Crummell‘s belief
in the divine purpose of the Negro race. Race, according
to Crummell, entailed those individuals with similar or
shared historical experiences. To Crummell, every race
had a divine role, from the Anglo-Saxon to the Indian to
the Teuton.304 Gregory Rigsby, who
provided the first scholarly, full-length biography of
Crummell, notes that Crummell believed “… these peculiar
abilities were divinely predetermined for the betterment
of all mankind‖ and that the African possessed
―spiritual tendency as its peculiar genius.” Crummell
defined the African as a “man who has black blood
flowing in his veins,” which Rigsby contends “was an
appeal on behalf of [continental] Africa and not a
scientific definition.” Crummell stated in an 1861
address:
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For
without a doubt, the black man, in the land
of his thralldom, has been in the school of
suffering; yea, tried in the fiery furnace,
that being tried, he might secure therefrom
the strength, the character, the ability
which might fit him for a civilizer and a
teacher. Not for death, as the Indian, for
destruction, as the Sandwich islander, has
the Negro been placed in juxtaposition with
the Caucasian; but rather that he might
seize upon civilization.305
|
Kwame A. Appiah has also commented on the concept of
race found in Crummell‘s
The Future of Africa. To Appiah, Crummell‘s view
of the continent entailed a “single guiding
concept—race,” which Crummell “learned in America and
confirmed in England.” Appiah contends that Crummell‘s
“racialism” was also “racist.” Distinguishing “extrinsic
racism,” or notions of difference based on “moral”
qualities (or lack thereof), from “intrinsic racism,”
which derives from concepts of sheer racial differences
regardless of “capacities,” Appiah argues that the
latter type of racism more or less applies to Crummell.
It should be noted that extrinsic racism is
characterized as “false consciousness” that can be
“given up or stubbornly held on to.” Extrinsic racism is
essentially a “cognitive incapacity.” Crummell‘s
intrinsic racism, his notion that “race is family” is
deemed a “moral error” by Appiah.306
Fellow philosopher
Lewis Gordon has challenged Appiah‘s description of
Crummell as a “racist” by pointing out that Crummell‘s
notions of race were indeed sociohistorical and derived
from his Christian-centered conceptualizations of
history and (just as important) progress.307
In short, it is clear that Crummell‘s Africa and
Africans were those who either occupied the continent or
their descendants. Obviously, these persons included the
victims of “[il]legitimate commerce, . . . commerce then
a robber, . . . marauder, . . . devastator, . . . thief,
. . . murderer!” One should note that Crummell
recognized and indicted the African agents of the
trans-Atlantic slave trade as well as Europeans.
Clearly, then, Crummell‘s view of those with physical
characteristics commonly associated (then and now) with
Africans also entailed a religious, sociohistorical,
determinist dimension.308
What is important
about Appiah and Gordon‘s debate is that it reveals not
only efforts to reveal the “imagined communities”309
that nationalisms frequently rest upon, as well as (in
this case, differing) acknowledgments of Crummell‘s
European intellectual influences, but that this
conversation is also reflective of our intellectual
climate. After all, Appiah and Gordon are actively
engaged in discussions about the utility of race as an
analytical and social category.310
Both scholars rightly point out Crummell‘s manipulation
of racial theory as well as his Victorian progressivism.
Such observations allow us to understand an important
example of the European, conservative, and elite
dimensions of early black nationalism. But neither
argument, I think, is complete. While it is certainly
true that Crummell‘s final verdict entailed one becoming
an English-speaking Christian, Lewis Gordon‘s opinion
that Crummell ultimately did not “care what race any one
was” does not appear to be the best way to view
Crummell‘s perception of Africa and the Negro.
Crummell‘s ambivalence regarding Africa and his hopes
for the Negro were never fully reconciled with his “civilizationism.”
According to Crummell:
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I mean
by [civilization] the clarity of the mind
from the dominion of false heathen ideas, .
. . the conscious impress of individualism
and personal responsibility, . . .
recognition of the body, with it‘s desires
and appetites and passions as a sacred gift,
and as under the law of divine obligation, .
. . the honor and freedom of
womanhood, allied with the duty of family
development, … the sense of social progress
in society, . . . entrance of new impulses
in the actions and policy of the tribe or
nation, . . . the elevated use of material
things and a higher range of common
industrial activities, . . . the earliest
possible introduction of letters, and books,
and reading, and intelligence to the man,
his family, and his social circles. All this
I maintain is the secondary obligation of
the [Christian] missionary endeavor among
heathen people.311 |
As can be discerned
from the above citation, Crummell‘s religious
determinism and puritanical conceptualization of
humanity are definitely not representative of a cultural
relativist. Again, this is not surprising when we
consider his historical context. Noteworthy is the fact
that by the time of Crummell‘s birth, civilization—“the
idea that history could be divided into stages or
phases, the idea that human society was in the process
of improvement”—was central to European social thinking.
Crummell and several other black nationalists echoed and
reshaped European racial theories into their own
respective ideologies. Hence, both Gordon and Appiah
fail to assess Crummell‘s concern with the “Destined
Superiority of the Negro” which is arguably just as
critical to understanding his complex epistemological
framework—in which “he voiced with eloquence and force
several issues that dominated Anglo-African thought and
writing during the nineteenth century”—as is recognizing
his significant impact on his contemporaries and later
thinkers.312
Crummell‘s
Christian-centered, sociohistorical philosophy entailed
a “suffering” Negro race, “tried in a fiery furnace.”
Africa was a backwards continent in which “darkness
covers the land, and gross darkness the people.” This
darkness stemmed from the lack of exposure to
Christianity and resulted in “great evils, . . .
Fetiches [sic], human sacrifices, and devil worship.”
Crummell lamented:
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Africa has remained,
during the whole of the Christian era,
almost entirely unvisited by the benignant
rays, and the genial influences of our Holy
Faith . . . [I]f we strive to penetrate the
long lapse of ages, . . . we meet vista upon
vista of the deepest darkness, stretching
out to the earliest dawn of the world‘s
being. So far as Western Africa is
concerned, there is no history. The long,
long centuries of human existence, there,
give us no intelligent disclosures.313
|
It is obvious that
Crummell had virtually no respect for African cultural
practices. Christianity and civilization were
inseparable, and the African race had yet to come into
contact with and embrace civilization in its various
stages. Nineteenth-century West Africa was backwards
because of its historical isolation from civilization.
Crummell, partially relying on the work of German
historian Georg Barthold Niebuhr, believed that “the
civilization of all races has been conditioned on
contact . . . There is not in history the record of a
single indigenous civilization; there is nowhere, in any
reliable document, the report of any people lifting
themselves up out of barbarism.”314
Prior to respective
displays of civilization, all great civilizations
“became cosmopolitan thieves . . . stole from every
quarter [and] pounced . . . upon excellence wherever
discovered.”315 Interestingly,
Crummell characterized Egypt‘s empire as one marred by
“vile and infamous” cultural practices, while
acknowledging her technological superiority and
impressive but “frowning pyramids.” Even more
intriguing, however, is his argument that the “superior”
knowledge gained by the biblical Moses was derived from
the Pharaohs. From the splendor of Egypt to the
“intellectual greatness” of Greece to the “LAW AND
GOVERNMENT” of Rome, the Egyptians, the Jews, the
Greeks, and the Romans contributed to civilization.
These groups possessed their own “racial genius”
according to Crummell.
Wilson Moses
reminds us that “this progressive view of history in
which ‗the race in the aggregate [was destined] to go
forward and upward,‘ was pervasive in Victorian
Christianity.”316 Thus, within this
grand march towards perfection, Anglo-Saxon Europe
occupied the highest state of civilization that the
world had yet to witness, for Christianized western
Europe had effectively subdued the rest of the world in
her quest for greatness. This and especially the
Anglo-Saxon‘s technological and intellectual
achievements, expressed in the “fine harmonies and grand
thoughts of the English tongue,”—the “speech of Chaucer
and Shakespeare, of Milton and Wordsworth, of Bacon and
Burke, of Franklin and Webster”—served as adequate
confirmation to Crummell of civilization‘s current
stage. Taking this into consideration, the historian
Tunde Adeleke‘s suggestion that Crummell believed that
the origins of civilization rested in Europe is
obviously an inaccurate analysis.317
It should now be
clear that Crummell‘s ambivalent conceptualization of
Africa and her peoples was not one of absolute contempt,
nor was it, as Adeleke has suggested, reflective of
“renunciation of African cultural values.” Although
Crummell surely did not appreciate African customs, as
Sterling Stuckey has correctly pointed out, Crummell‘s
lack of respect in this regard was applicable to all
non-Christians.318 However problematic
Crummell‘s ideas regarding Africa‘s dire need for
Christian redemption, as Adeleke has rightly identified,
it would be extremely incorrect to suggest that Crummell
was not sincerely committed to advancing the social,
economic, and political situation of Africa and persons
of African descent. Crummell, then, does not seem to
have been “at odds” with his concern for the Negro race,
for he was a firm believer in the idea that Christianity
always obliterates barbarism.319
Appiah‘s contention that Crummell was “racist” is
somewhat misleading, for as Rigsby strongly reminds us,
Crummell‘s “[b]lack unity is not racism in the modern
sense of that word, but merely a stage toward the final
grand rendezvous when all men shall be brothers.”
Indeed, Crummell pointed out that one of the gravest
mistakes of the Negro race was his lack of unity:
|
But whence arises the
weakness of our Race? Alas! for us, all
along through this reign of terror, our
afflicted people have been at sea! We have
no coherence of race, we have had no unity
of policy! We have shewn no resistance to
outrage! We have no organized maintenance of
our rights! … Like the leaves of the forest
our poor people, in divers sections, were
scattered abroad at the fierce breath of
their enemies!320 |
The story of
Alexander Crummell is one that will undoubtedly remain
central to any serious investigation of
nineteenth-century African American social and
intellectual history. Crummell‘s significant
intellectual presence was frequently acknowledged
(favorably or not) by his contemporaries as well as by
later personages. Indeed, his contribution to the
foundations of nineteenth century and twentieth century
black nationalism is clear within the thoughts of W.E.B.
Du Bois,
William Ferris, and
Marcus Garvey. Yet Crummell‘s influence on later
individuals indirectly contributes to the manner in
which some presentist scholars evaluate him. This means
that in many cases Crummellian philosophy is rightly
viewed as an antecedent, but erroneously categorized as
“less progressive.” Crummell lived in a world vastly
different than the ones experienced by current scholars.
This is not to suggest that all scholarly treatments of
Crummell fail to take into account his historical
context.
Crummell‘s
involvement in colonial schemes in Liberia does not
solely mean that he, for instance, “… anticipated, and
possibly set the stage for, the content and character of
colonial education.” Nor does it necessarily mean that
he was simply “a champion of the wretched of the earth.”321
Crummell‘s ambivalence regarding Africa, and his hopes
for the Negro, were never fully reconciled with his
civilizationism. Perhaps the one of the most “severe
case[s] of double-consciousness,” as Kevin K. Gaines
points out, can be found in one of Blyden‘s protégés,
William H. Ferris. In his
The African Abroad, or His Evolution in Western
Civilization, Tracing his Evolution under Caucasian
Milieu, Ferris stated:
|
This colored race is no
longer a pure Negro but a mixed Caucasian
and Negro race, no longer a savage but a
civilized race that is fast becoming
cultured . . . We colored people in America
create a race problem in by calling
ourselves by a name that ethnologically and
psychologically suggests that what one side
of our ancestors were three hundred years
ago. Negrosaxon [sic] … suggests what we
actually are to-day.322 |
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* * *
Notes
302
Moses,
Alexander Crummell: A Study of Civilization and
Discontent (New York: Oxford University Press,
1989); Gregory Rigsby,
Alexander Crummell: Pioneer in Nineteenth Century
Pan-African Thought (New York: Greenwood Press,
1987); J.R. Oldfield,
Alexander Crummell (1819-1898) and the Creation of an
African-American Church in Liberia (Lewiston,
New York: The Edwin Mellon Press, 1990).
303 Crummell is
regarded as “the greatest nineteenth-century black
intellectual,” for instance by Cornel West. See West,
“Black Strivings in a Twilight Civilization,”
The Cornel West Reader (New York: Basic Civitas
Books, 1999), 109.
304 For an
informative evaluation of this component of Crummell‘s
philosophy, see Moses,
Afrotopia,
96-105.
305
Rigsby, Pioneer, 64.98; Crummell, “The Progress of
Civilization along the West Coast of Africa,” in Moses,
Classical Black
Nationalism, 185.
306
Kwame Anthony Appiah,
In My Father‘s House: Africa in the Philosophy of
Culture (New York: Oxford University Press,
1992, 13-22.
307
Lewis R. Gordon,
Her Majesty‘s Other Children: Sketches of Racism From a
Neocolonial Age (Lanham, Maryland: Rowman &
Littlefield Publishers, 1997), 127-28. Gordon also
challenges Appiah‘s apparent misinterpretation of not
only Crummellian philosophy but of Paul Gilroy‘s
concepts of "raciality" and "raciology." See especially
chapter 6, 123-24.
308 Crummell,
"The Progress of Civilization," 174; Appiah,
In My Father‘s House.
309 Benedict
Anderson,
Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and
Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983).
310
African-American Philosophers: 17 Conversations,
George Yancey, Editor (New York: Routledge, 1998),
85-199; Lewis Gordon,
Her Majesty‘s Other Children and
Existenia Africana: Understanding Africana Existential
Thought (New York: Routlege, 2000); Appiah, "Du
Bois and the Illusion of Race" and “The Conservation of
Race” in
In My Father‘s House.
311
Alexander Crummell, “Civilization as a Collateral and
Indispensable Instrumentality in Planting the Christian
Church in Africa” from Addresses and Proceedings of
the Congress on Africa Held under the Auspices of the
Stewart Missionary Foundation for Africa … (Atlanta,
GA: Gammon Theological Seminary, 1896), 119-24.
Reprinted in
Alexander Crummell, Destiny and Race: Selected Writings,
1840-1898 edited with an introduction by Wilson
Jeremiah Moses (Amherst: The University of Massachusetts
Press, 1992), 272.
312
Moses,
Golden Age
, 20-25; Alexander Crummell, 276-301.
For example, Crummell and Blyden developed “their own
brand of racial chauvinism” based on “theories of
organic collectivism” attributed to the German, Johan
Gottfried von Herder. See also
Stuckey, Ideological Origins of Black Nationalism.
Crummell influenced several black intellectuals, such as
W.E.B. Du Bois, William H. Ferris, and John E. Bruce.
313
Crummell,
“Civilization as a Collateral,” 171.
314
Crummell,
Ibid., 172. Appiah,
In My Father‘s House, 23.
315
Crummell,
“The Destined Superiority of the Negro,” in
Destiny & Race, 202.
316 Moses,
Alexander
Crummell, 108-09. 151
317
Moses, “Civilizing Missionary,” 237; Crummell, “Our
National Mistakes and the Remedy for Them,” in
Destiny & Race, 191;
Tunde Adeleke,
UnAfrican Americans, 80.
318 Adeleke,
Ibid., 119.
319
Crummell, "Indispensable Instrumentality in Planting the
Christian Church in Africa," 274. According to Crummell,
the relationship between civilization and Christianity
is "intrinsic," rather than "causal," and "is not the
result of an accident" nor "historical coincidence."
Crummell, Ibid., 275.
320 Crummell,
"The Discipline of Freedom," 246; Appiah,
In My Father‘s House, 13-17; Rigsby,
Alexander Crummell, 38.
321 Adeleke,
UnAfrican Americans, 89; Rigsby,
Alexander Crummell, 181
322 Kevin K.
Gaines, Uplifting the Race, 104; William Ferris,
The African Abroad, or His Evolution in Western
Civilization, Tracing his Evolution under Caucasian
Milieu. 2 volumes. (New Haven, Connecticut:
Tuttle, Morehouse, and Taylor Press, 1913) 310.
Source:
DeepBlue
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The
Autobiography of William Sanders Scarborough /
The Works of William Sanders Scarborough
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Howard
is the only historically black college that has had a classics program since
its inception . . .—A
Shift in Direction at Howard
* * *
* *
 |
Frank Snowden Now An Ancestor
Major Scholar of Blacks in Antiquity
Frank M. Snowden Jr.
passed away on February 18 of this year in Washington,
D.C., after a long and celebrated life in a variety of
professional vocations—instructor, scholar,
administrator, diplomat. The classics world can
justifiably claim that it has lost one of its giants.
Professor Snowden graduated from the Boston Latin School
in 1928 and proceeded to Harvard University, where he
was awarded his bachelor's (1932), master's (1933), and
doctoral (1944) degrees in classics. |
He began his professional career as an instructor in
Latin, French, and English at Virginia State College
(1933–1936) and then moved to Spelman College and
Atlanta University, where he was an instructor in
classics (1936–1940). From then until 1990 he was a
member of the faculty at Howard University . .
. . —WashingtonPost
* * *
* *
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UnAfrican Americans
Nineteenth-Century Black Nationalists and
the Civilizing Mission
By
Tunde Adeleke
Passionate and well written, Adeleke's
stunning reexamination of three 19th-century
African Americans is bound to be
controversial. But the truth must be told,
and the Nigerian-born director of Africana
studies at Loyola University is up to the
task. It's hard to believe that this is
Adeleke's first book: with fresh lucid prose
and wry wit, he brings to light the historic
ironies and philosophical hypocrisies that
continue to shape African and African
American lives.
Martin Delany,
Alexander Crummell and
Henry McNeal Turner were three who lost
faith with the struggle for freedom and
franchise in this country and shifted toward
what became a reactionary escapist plan to
migrate. |
 |
Africa was the goal, a place dictated
by birthright for black Americans to rule and civilize.
When wealthy blacks refused to finance the schemes,
European and American governments and robber barons were
courted. Delany, considered the father of black
nationalism, accumulated data in Africa that facilitated
British colonization. Crummell, enamored with European
culture, used religious rhetoric to excuse slavery here
and to revile African culture. Turner, a former
reconstruction legislator, appealed to the U.S.
government for $40 billion in reparations to finance the
mass relocation. Adeleke builds a solid case to support
his charge that the so-called pan-Africanism of these
men was actually a very destructive narrow nationalism.
Their contempt for African people and their indigenous
cultures led to support of imperialist intervention at a
time when nation-states were forming. Opportunistically,
the men abandoned the call when political tides turned
for blacks in the U.S., but the colonial wheel has
already been set in motion.—Publishers
Weekly
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 |
Classical Black Nationalism
From the American Revolution to Marcus
Garvey
By
Wilson Moses
Black
nationalism in the U.S. for most Americans
is represented by the image and words of
such persons as Stokely Carmichael or,
better yet, Malcolm X. Moses situates the
first expressions of black nationalism in
the colonial period and ends them in the
1920s with Marcus Garvey, the fiery and
charismatic black nationalist leader who was
jailed and later deported on the
questionable charges of J. Edgar Hoover. One
can see the strong presence of Garvey in the
black imagination in the character of Ras
the Destroyer in Ellison's
Invisible Man. |
Some noteworthy essays include Thomas
Jefferson's rumination on the possibility of mass
deportation of the black population, Abraham Lincoln's
discussion of the advantages of establishing a colony of
U.S. blacks in Central America, excerpts from David
Walker's
An Appeal in Four Articles (a staple of black
studies courses in the '60s), a wonderfully arcane essay
from
Freedom's Journal (the nation's first African
American newspaper), and nationalist-oriented works by
W. E. B. Du Bois,
Frederick Douglass, and Alexander Crummell. Moses has
brought us history both rousing and reflective.—Bonnie
Smothers, Booklist
*
* * * *
The State of African Education
(April 200) /
Attack On Africans Writing Their Own History Part 1 of 7
Dr Asa
Hilliard III speaks on the assault of academia on Africans writing and
accounting for their own history.
Dr Hilliard is A teacher,
psychologist, and historian.
Part 2 of 7
/
Part
3 of 7 /
Part 4 of 7
/
Part 5 of 7 /
Part 6 of 7 /
Part 7 of 7
*
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Basil Davidson
obituary—By Victoria Brittain—9 July 2010—Davidson [(9
November 1914 – 9 July 2010) a
British
historian, writer and
Africanist] was enthused early on by the end of British
colonialism and the prospects of pan-Africanism in the
1960s, and he wrote copiously and with warmth about newly
independent
Ghana and its leader, Kwame Nkrumah. He went to work for
a year at the University of Accra in 1964. Later he threw
himself into the reporting of the African liberation wars in
the Portuguese colonies, particularly in Angola,
Mozambique, Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau. . . . In the
1980s, with most of the African liberation wars now
won—except for South Africa's— Davidson turned much of his
attention to more theoretical questions about the future of
the nation state in Africa. He remained a passionate
advocate of pan-Africanism. In 1988 he made a long and
dangerous journey into Eritrea, writing a persuasive defence
of the nationalists' right to independence from
Ethiopia, and an equally eloquent attack on the
revolutionary leader Colonel Mengistu and the regime that
had overthrown Haile Selassie.
Guardian |
 |
Basil Davidson's "Africa Series"
Different
But Equal /
Mastering A Continent /
Caravans
of Gold /
The King and the City /
The Bible and The Gun
West Africa Before the Colonial Era: A
History to 1850 /
African Slave Trade: Precolonial History,
1450-1850
John Henrik Clarke—A Great and Mighty Walk
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Sister Citizen: Shame, Stereotypes, and Black Women in
America
By Melissa V.
Harris-Perry
According to the
author, this society has historically exerted
considerable pressure on black females to fit into one
of a handful of stereotypes, primarily, the Mammy, the
Matriarch or the Jezebel. The selfless
Mammy’s behavior is marked by a slavish devotion to
white folks’ domestic concerns, often at the expense of
those of her own family’s needs. By contrast, the
relatively-hedonistic Jezebel is a sexually-insatiable
temptress. And the Matriarch is generally thought of as
an emasculating figure who denigrates black men, ala the
characters Sapphire and Aunt Esther on the television
shows Amos and Andy and Sanford and Son, respectively.
Professor Perry
points out how the propagation of these harmful myths
have served the mainstream culture well. For instance,
the Mammy suggests that it is almost second nature for
black females to feel a maternal instinct towards
Caucasian babies.
As for the source
of the Jezebel, black women had no control over their
own bodies during slavery given that they were being
auctioned off and bred to maximize profits. Nonetheless,
it was in the interest of plantation owners to propagate
the lie that sisters were sluts inclined to mate
indiscriminately.
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Sex at the Margins
Migration, Labour Markets and the Rescue Industry
By Laura María Agustín
This book explodes several myths: that selling sex is completely different from any other kind of work, that migrants who sell sex are passive victims and that the multitude of people out to save them are without self-interest. Laura Agustín makes a passionate case against these stereotypes, arguing that the label 'trafficked' does not accurately describe migrants' lives and that the 'rescue industry' serves to disempower them. Based on extensive research amongst both migrants who sell sex and social helpers, Sex at the Margins provides a radically different analysis. Frequently, says Agustin, migrants make rational choices to travel and work in the sex industry, and although they are treated like a marginalised group they form part of the dynamic global economy. Both powerful and controversial, this book is essential reading for all those who want to understand the increasingly important relationship between sex markets, migration and the desire for social justice. "Sex at the Margins rips apart distinctions between migrants, service work and sexual labour and reveals the utter complexity of the contemporary sex industry. This book is set to be a trailblazer in the study of sexuality."—Lisa Adkins, University of London |
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The White Masters of the
World
From
The World and Africa, 1965
By W. E. B. Du Bois
W. E. B. Du Bois’
Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization
(Fletcher)
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Ancient African Nations
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If you like this page consider making a donation
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Negro Digest /
Black World
Browse all issues
1950
1960
1965
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1975
1980
1985
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____ 2005
Enjoy!
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The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan
/
The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll
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Only a Pawn in Their Game
Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for
Slavery
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The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg
The
Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804
/
January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of
Haiti
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posted 2 November 2010
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