|
Changing the HBCU Narrative
From Corrective Action to
Creative Investment
Remarks by
Secretary Arne Duncan
HBCU Symposium
North Carolina Central University Centennial
June 3, 2010
Last September, I
had the opportunity to speak at the National HBCU
conference in Washington, DC, at which many of you were
present. I shared with you my conviction that HBCUs must
not merely survive but thrive. Today, I want to update
you on what we and HBCUs, working together, have
accomplished since last fall—and speak to the challenges
that remain.
As you know,
President Obama has set an ambitious goal for the
nation. He wants America to again have the highest
proportion of college graduates in the world by 2020.
That goal is the North Star for all of our education
efforts. Reaching it will require institutions of higher
education to dramatically boost college completion—by
the end of the decade, our national college degree
attainment rate must rise from 40 percent to 60 percent.
The math here is
pretty simple: The president's goal can only be attained
if an unprecedented number of Americans enroll in and
complete college—whether it is a four-year degree, a
two-year degree, or a certificate. And that means that
student populations with high dropout rates, especially
minority students, will have to exponentially increase
their college graduation rates. As I said last
September, HBCUs will—and absolutely must—play a
critical leadership role in meeting this challenge. This
is not just about access—this is about attainment.
It is true that
HBCUs have been under-resourced for decades. And no one
knows the obstacles confronting HBCUs better than you.
At too many HBCUs, endowments are undercapitalized.
Faculty salaries are too low. Financial aid is
inadequate. Facilities are deteriorating.
Sadly, far too few
students arrive on campus ready for college
coursework—and far too many students drop out without
earning a degree. As Cordell Wynn, the former president
of
Stillman College, said of HBCUs, "no other
institution of higher learning has had to do so much,
for so many, with so little."
That daily
challenge—of seeking to do more with less—is real. I
don't minimize for a second that tough assignment,
especially in today's economy. Yet for all of the
longstanding issues that HBCUs face, I am convinced that
HBCUs have much to teach other institutions of higher
education about access and retention.
As I said last
September, it is HBCUs that, over a period of decades,
have established a remarkable record of working with
students who were the first members of their families to
attend college and who often arrived on campus
ill-prepared for college work.
A lot has happened
since I spoke at the national HBCU conference last
September. But I can report that HBCU's are receiving
unprecedented attention and support at the highest
levels of the administration.
In February, at a
memorable gathering at the White House, President Obama
signed a new executive order promoting excellence,
innovation, and sustainability at HBCUs. That executive
order re-authorizes the White House Initiative on
Historically Black Colleges and Universities. John
Wilson directs the White House Initiative—and he has
been an outstanding leader and tireless advocate for
HBCUs.
The
President's Executive Order did two things that I
want to call to your attention today. First, it brings
to bear all the resources of the federal government on
behalf of HBCUs. As the President said when he signed
the order, the mission of strengthening America's
Historically Black Colleges and Universities isn't a
task that falls to HBCU presidents "or to the Department
of Education alone . . . agencies across the federal
government [will] help support this mission."
Second, the
Executive Order calls for a more explicit and
re-imagined partnership with the private sector to
strengthen the capacity of HBCUs. The Department of
Education will work with the White House Initiative to
place more emphasis on the productive work carried out
by HBCUs—whether it is research, community outreach, or
empowering ill-prepared students to become competitive
achievers. By drawing more attention to the
extraordinary accomplishments of HBCUs, we seek to shift
the narrative of HBCUs in the philanthropic sector—from
an appeal centered on the need for corrective
contributions to an appeal centered on creative
investment.
We are not going to
be passive in Washington about promoting that new
narrative. There were years in the past when it was
somewhat unusual for the Secretary of Education to
deliver a commencement address at an HBCU. Last month, I
was deeply honored to speak at Xavier's commencement in
New Orleans. But let me tell you—Xavier, I was not such
a catch. Thirteen senior administration officials spoke
at HBCU commencements this year, including the President
and the First Lady. I think that must be some kind of
record!
Now, we are not
just talking the talk—although we did a lot of that in
the last month. The fact is we are walking the walk—and
will continue to do so.
In February,
Congress enacted the President's historic
Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act. It
invests more than $40 billion in
Pell
Grants to ensure that all eligible students receive
an award. And for the first time, those awards will be
indexed to keep up with inflation.
To put this
legislation in perspective, the new law—coupled with the
funding provided in the
Recovery Act and the President's first two
budgets—more than doubles the total amount of funding
for
Pell Grants since President Obama took office. Over
the course of the next decade, we project that nearly
60,000 additional
Pell Grant awards will go to African-American
students—and 21,000 of those Pell Grants will go to
students at HBCUs.
Other far-reaching
changes in the law are going to make it easier for more
than a million borrowers to pay off their student loan
debt after they graduate. And I am thrilled that this
new law provides HBCUs with $850 million over the next
decade in mandatory funding to renew, reform, and expand
programs so that all students at these institutions get
every chance to rise to their full potential. This
legislation will help shape the future of HBCUs for
decades to come.
Let me repeat what
I said a moment ago: We want to revise the public
narrative around HBCUs. It's a narrative that has been
so incomplete, so remiss in celebrating success and
creative investment. And right here in North Carolina,
the state's 11
HBCUs are demonstrating the power of
collaboration and showing what successful partnerships
look like. Last year,
North
Carolina's HBCUs enrolled more than 42,000 students
and awarded over 6,700 degrees. Those numbers are a
powerful testament that the state's HBCUs are changing
the lives of tens of thousands of African-American
students for the better.
But
North
Carolina's HBCUs have been leaders in other areas as
well. To cite one example of innovative collaboration,
the North Carolina-SAGE consortium is offering students
at the state's 11 HBCUs the opportunity to study abroad.
That program allows students to take advantage of
internship opportunities outside the U.S.—and helps
prepare students to work for businesses, non-profits,
and NGOs. In the era of the global economy, those
experiences are invaluable.
The state's HBCUs
have also led the way in showing how to smoothly
transition to Direct Lending. Congress enacted the
transition to DL earlier this year, and that much-needed
transition has literally made it possible to free up
tens of billions of dollars to expand financial aid for
low-income students that formerly went to subsidize
banks. We are determined that this transition will
happen smoothly—and we will provide the technical
support and training necessary to ensure an orderly
switchover. As you know, the department has assigned a
special FSA representative to each of the 45 HBCUs
transitioning to Direct Lending. I'm pleased to report
that all 45 HBCUs are on target for a successful
transition.
Here in North
Carolina, HBCUs have shown the way. Four of
North
Carolina's public HBCU's have used Direct Lending
for over ten years. Three private HBCUs have done so for
at least five years. And HBCU's now transitioning to
Direct Lending are meeting their milestones. One of
them, Shaw University, is already originating direct
loans. North Carolina's example is showing that direct
lending is an effective and student-friendly process for
getting funds to students. And with the addition of our
simplification of the
FASFA form, current high school seniors will have a
much easier time applying for financial aid. It was
crazy that the form itself had become a barrier to
entry—and we were glad to be able to change that in a
significant way.
Why is it so
important to get these things right? To get more money
to students in need, to share best practices in
resolving common challenges like retention and financial
stability?
The answer to that
question is known to everyone in this room. It is the
same reason why
Booker T. Washington walked 500 miles to the Hampton
Institute to receive an education.
The reason for
Washington's long walk is that education is meant to be
the great equalizer in America—it doesn't matter what
your race, income or zip code, every child is entitled
to a quality education. Education is the civil rights
issue of our generation—and institutions of higher
education and the government must do everything in their
power to help realize the dream of equal educational
opportunity.
The fight for civil
rights is not a sometime thing. Our administration is
working actively to ensure compliance with
Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and state
higher education desegregation plans. We will continue
to work with governors and state higher education
officials to reach agreement on what must still be done
to eliminate the vestiges of formerly segregated systems
and enhance our HBCUs. And we will not close any of
these cases until the vestiges of state-imposed
segregation have been completely eliminated.
I want to address
two great challenges for HBCUs as we move ahead. First,
I want to see HBCUs taking the lead in improving teacher
preparation programs and training a new generation of
minority students, especially black males, to teach in
our nation's public schools.
Outside of the HBCU
community, not many people know that most HBCUs were
established a century ago for the purpose of training a
generation of black teachers. Black educators in the
South used to have a saying about the importance of
teachers. It went: "As is the teacher, so is the
school."
I think our elders
were absolutely right. As all of you know, talent
matters tremendously in the classroom—and that is why
recruiting and training a new generation of great
teachers is essential to closing the achievement gap.
Ambrose Caliver, the first African-American research
specialist hired by the
U.S. Office of Education, captured that urgency in a
single sentence 75 years ago when he wrote: "In the
hands of the Negro teachers rests the destiny of the
race."
Every day,
African-American teachers are doing extraordinary work
in helping to close the achievement gap. Yet we also
know that children of color have too few teachers of
color. Nationwide, more than 35 percent of public school
students are black or Hispanic, but less than 15 percent
of our teachers are black or Latino. It is especially
troubling that less than two percent of our nation's 3.2
million teachers are African-American males. On average,
roughly 200,000 new teachers are hired a year in
America—and just 4,500 of them are black males. It is
not good for any of our country's children that only one
in 50 teachers is a black man.
When I was CEO of
the
Chicago Public Schools, I visited too many
elementary schools that did not have a single black male
teacher, though most of the students were black and grew
up in single-parent families. How can that be a good
thing for young children, especially boys? The
under-representation of African-American men in the
teaching profession is a serious problem. And it is not
self-correcting. Our children need you. Your schools of
education can, and must, help us solve this national
crisis.
Now, it is no
secret that I have been critical of the quality of some
teacher preparation programs. In a speech I gave
last fall at the
Teachers College at Columbia University, I urged
every teacher education program to make better outcomes
for students in the classroom "the overarching mission
that propels all their efforts." I pointed out that only
one state in the nation, Louisiana, was tracking and
comparing the
impact of new teachers from different teacher
preparation programs on student achievement over a
period of years. Louisiana is using that information to
identify effective and ineffective programs for the
first time—and
teacher education programs are using the student
outcome data to revamp and strengthen their programs.
This continuous feedback helps children learn more,
empowers future teachers with the skills they need, and
ultimately benefits the entire state's educational
system.
For example, the
University of Louisiana at Lafayette used the data
about graduates' impact on student achievement to
increase admission requirements, added a career
counseling program to better prepare teachers for the
transition to the classroom, and boosted coursework
requirements in English language arts. Such real-time
feedback is invaluable.
I'm pleased to see
that the
Carolina Institute for Public Policy at UNC-Chapel
Hill completed a study in January of the impact of
UNC teacher preparation programs on student learning
in North Carolina's public schools. The Carolina
Institute's study of achievement assessed the impact of
teachers from different UNC institutions on student
achievement in a range of subjects in more than 143,000
classrooms—after controlling for differences in where,
and whom, the teachers teach.
The researchers
found that, overall, UNC-prepared teachers were neither
better nor worse than teachers prepared in private
colleges or alternative certification routes—which they
candidly said was "not a sufficiently high standard for
UNC programs."
The Carolina
Institute study also found that students of teachers
trained at several public HBCUs did worse on math and
science assessments in high school and middle school
math than teachers in comparable classrooms from other
institutions. Yet students of teachers trained at those
same institutions did as well or better as their
counterparts on assessments of elementary school
reading, math, and middle school reading.
I am glad to see my
friend
Erskine Bowles is here today. He is an outstanding
leader, and I commend the UNC system for taking on this
rigorous self-scrutiny. With his vision and courage, I'm
convinced teacher preparation programs in this state
will go to an entirely different level—North Carolina
can lead this movement nationally. Just as the
University of Louisiana at Lafayette has discovered,
this kind of data is not to be feared but used. It helps
point the way to strengthen programs and link them back
to better student learning. It provides fertile ground
for sharing of best practices.
The second
challenge I would like to see HBCUs take on is the one I
began my remarks with:
Boosting graduation rates. HBCU graduation rates are
significantly lower than those at non-HBCU two-year and
four-year institutions. We know this is the case chiefly
because HBCUs work with disproportionate numbers of
students who need remedial coursework, have significant
financial hurdles to overcome, or are the first members
in their family to attend college. Individually, and
collectively, these are huge challenges.
Yet we also know
that institutions matter. Despite obstacles, some HBCUs
do a great job of working with at-risk students to help
them graduate. Others still have a lot of work to do.
Some HBCUs do an excellent job of helping graduates find
good jobs; others do not.
In light of the
demands of the global economy and the President's goal
for 2020, it is time for every institution of higher
education to take stock of where it stands. Every
institution should have measurable goals for increased
college completion—and create a plan to achieve those
goals.
|
I was
so pleased to hear that
Walter Kimbrough, the president of Philander
Smith College, was here today. He has
had a laser-like focus on improving
retention and graduation rates since
arriving on campus in 2004, especially among
African-American males. As a result, the
retention rate of first-year students has
gone from about 50 percent to 71 percent.
The graduation rate has increased from 16 to
24 percent—a 50 percent jump.
Those
numbers still aren't close to where he wants
them to be—but they are absolutely moving in
the right direction, and doing so quickly.
President Kimbrough told the Chronicle of
Higher Education recently
that HBCUs cannot "just be satisfied with
lower graduation rates. We need to hold
ourselves accountable." To quote Smokey
Robinson, I second that emotion. |
 |
While every
institution should be setting measurable goals to boost
college completion, collaboration and the sharing of
best practices of the sort advanced here in North
Carolina is also essential. You may recall that the
1998 Higher Education Act reauthorization required
institutions with high student loan default rates to
lower their default rates or lose their eligibility for
federal student aid. Fourteen HBCUs were at risk of
losing eligibility—which would have had a devastating
impact on graduation and retention rates. By 2002, 12 of
those schools had successfully lowered their default
rates.
Now, half of those
14 HBCUs were located in Texas. And the
Texas
HBCUs formed a consortium that successfully lowered
default rates faster and more dramatically than HBCUs
not in the consortium. Teamwork helped.
A recent Education
Sector study of the Texas HBCU consortium's
collaboration found that
consortia schools collectively boosted default
aversion management. They worked to develop personal
connections with student borrowers. They partnered with
outside entities that had expertise in skip tracing.
They instituted financial literacy courses and financial
aid awareness fairs for students. Simply put their work
was comprehensive. Even after controlling for student
characteristics, the Education Sector study found that
"an institution's ability to retain and eventually
graduate its students emerged as an important factor in
determining that institution's . . .default rate."
So, yes, this is
hard work. But I have tremendous confidence that HBCU's
can elevate graduation rates. HBCUs have overcome
greater challenges in the past—whether it was lowering
default rates, improving pass rates on the National
Teachers Examination, or surviving on a shoestring
budget.
I learned long ago
an important truth in my mother's afterschool program on
the South Side of Chicago: A high-quality tutoring
program can be a good thing, but a high-quality tutoring
program run by caring adults is a great thing. It can
literally help transform lives.
Despite the
challenges they faced growing up in a violent
neighborhood, her students just wanted a chance to
succeed. To see the extraordinary potential that every
child has, no matter where they come from—that is what I
learned from my mother's work as a child—and that is
what continues to drive me today. We cannot let any
student fall through the cracks, regardless of the
obstacles they face to becoming successful.
My mother's program
got by on shoestring budgets too. But it is HBCUs that
have pioneered the way in how to do more with less. I am
confident that you will continue to thrive and transform
lives—not just your students' lives, but their families'
opportunities for generations to come.
I salute your
collaboration here today. And I thank you for your
tireless commitment and leadership to make the American
dream of equal opportunity a reality. Children only get
one chance at an education. The need for reform today is
urgent. And as Martin Luther King put it many years ago,
we cannot wait.
Source:
Ed.gov
* *
* * *
* *
* * *
* *
* * *
|
The White Architects of Black Education
Ideology and Power in America, 1865-1954
By
William Watkins
William
H. Watkins is subtle in his story of the
“white architects” who developed Black
education beginning in 1865, just at the end
of the Civil War. Watkins shocks you with
his “scientific racism” platform that he
explains “presented human difference as the
rational for inequality” and that it “can be
understood as an ideological and political
issue” (pg. 39). The reader senses a calm
attitude about the author as he speaks of
the philanthropists, beginning with John D.
Rockefeller, Sr, who was most concerned
about “shaping the new industrial social
order” (pg. 133) than he was for providing a
useful education. “The Rockefeller group
demonstrated how gift giving could shape
education and public policy” (pg. 134). |
 |
In their
support of Black education, by 1964, the General
Education Board (GEB) spent more than $3.2 million
dollars in gifts to support Black education. This
captivating book begins with a foreword written by Robin
D.G. Kelley who reflects that he learned one lesson from
Watkins, “If we are to create new models of pedagogy and
intellectual work and become architects of our own
education, then we cannot simply repair the structures
that have been passed down to us. We need to dismantle
the old architecture so that we might begin anew” (pg.
xiii). Why don’t the school reformers who mandate
educational laws experience such an awakening?—Review
by AC Snow
Source:
Cre3Design
* *
* * *
HBCU Funding Press Releases:
David McNally
(Research, Development and Engineering Command Public
Affairs): In a May 10 signing ceremony at Morgan State
University in Baltimore, U.S. Army Research, Development
and Engineering Command Commanding General,
Maj. Gen. Nick Justice, and Morgan State University
President Earl S. Richardson sign a Cooperative Research
and Development Agreement.
Maryland Alliance
Formed to Meet State's Growing Health Care Needs:
Following the passage of landmark health reform, the
nation's health care system requires more health
professionals--especially primary and preventive care
professionals in urban and rural communities--at a time
of rapid and diverse population growth. A new academic
partnership is aimed at tackling the crisis. The
Maryland Alliance to Transform the Health Professions is
designed to directly contribute to addressing the
state's growing health care needs and at the same time,
provide a working model for other states also committed
to expanding and diversifying their health workforce.
Representatives from Maryland's academic health
institutions and historically black colleges and
universities will come together for a formal signing of
the Memorandum of Understanding which will mark the
official formation of the Maryland Alliance. Please see
the
Bowie State University Press Release for more
information about this event.
Department of Energy Awards $9 Million in Grants for
Science and Technical Research to Historically Black
Colleges and Universities in South Carolina and Georgia.
North Carolina -
Fayetteville State University: One million dollar public
computer center grant with an additional $263,000
applicant-provided match to provide 30 new computer
workstations, wireless Internet access, and training
courses at a new public computer center for the
Fayetteville, North Carolina community, including
residents of local public housing. The project will
include courses on Internet basics, personal finance and
health, and basic job skills. The first 50 users to
complete all of these courses will receive a laptop
computer for home use. This project will be led by
Fayetteville State University, a Historically Black
University, in partnership with the Fayetteville
Metropolitan Housing Authority and other organizations
that will provide training targeted to the needs of
low-income persons.
Source:
Education.gov
* *
* * *
National HBCU conference in Washington, DC
About the Conference
The White House
Initiative Office is coordinating a national conference
celebrating National Historically B lack Colleges and
Universities (HBCUs) Week. President Barack Obama is
scheduled to issue a proclamation honoring America's
HBCUs, designating August 30 – September 5, 2009 as
National HBCU Week. In addition, the Congress will
recognize the celebration of HBCU Week by issuing a
resolution honoring the significant contributions made
by these institutions to our nation’s growth. The theme
for this year’s conference is HBCUs: Yes We Can!
What We Do for
America’s HBCUs
The mission of the
White House Initiative on Historically Black Colleges
and Universities staff is to execute the federal
government’s goal of enhancing the academic mission of
our nation’s HBCUs. The staff of the White House
Initiative on Historically Black Colleges and
Universities has five primary objectives:
|
•
Strengthen the capacity of Historically
Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) to
expedite their mission of teaching, research
and public service.
• Serve
as an effective advocate for Historically
Black Colleges and Universities.
•
Identify HBCUs’ contributions to American
society and enhance opportunities to attract
funding from federal and private sources.
•
Encourage collaborations and partnerships
among HBCUs and other organizations to
increase the effectiveness of federal and
private funding.
• Encourage corporations,
not-for-profits and individuals to form or
strengthen partnerships to improve “overall
financial stability and academic program
development” at America’s Historically Black
Colleges and Universities. |
Source:
Education.gov
* *
* * *
President Obama Signs Executive Order Promoting
Excellence, Innovation and Sustainability
at Historically Black Colleges and Universities
(February 26, 2010)
WASHINGTON, DC –
Today, President Obama signed an executive order (which
can be viewed here), renewing the White House
Initiative on Historically Black Colleges and
Universities in the White House East Room. This event
demonstrates the President’s strong appreciation for the
historic role these institutions have played in
educating our citizens and the Administration’s
commitment to assisting HBCUs with accomplishing their
mission.
Historically black
colleges and universities (HBCUs) have made historic and
ongoing contributions to the general welfare and
prosperity of our country. Established by visionary
leaders, America’s HBCUs have, for over 150 years,
produced many of the Nation’s leaders in business,
government, academia, and the military and have provided
generations of American men and women with hope and
educational opportunity.
The Nation’s
105 HBCUs are located in 20 states, the District of
Columbia, and the U.S. Virgin Islands, and serve more
than 300,000 undergraduate and graduate students. These
institutions continue to be important engines of
economic growth and community service, and they are
proven ladders of intergenerational advancement for men
and women of all ethnic, racial, and economic
backgrounds, especially African-Americans
Source:
Whitehouse.gov Press Release
* *
* * *
National Historically Black Colleges
and Universities (HBCU) Week
Examining the Modern Relevance of the HBCU
By
Abel Pharmboy
September 3, 2009
In the United
States, this is currently National HBCU Week
(presidential proclamation
here) and yesterday marked the end of the
annual academic conference on HBCUs ("Seizing the
Capacity to Thrive!") in Washington, DC. HBCUs span from
Michigan and Ohio to Texas, Florida, and the US Virgin
Islands - see
here for the complete list and links to HBCUs. . . .
As a Yankee born
the same year as the passage of US Civil Rights Act, I
had not truly appreciated that African Americans,
particularly in the South, had traditionally not been
welcome at colleges and universities. As a result, the
African American community, sometimes supported by
non-black supporters, had to establish their own
universities as it was recognized that education was one
path to equality. In fact, while nearly all HBCUs are
south of the Mason-Dixon Line, the original HBCUs were
in Pennsylvania (what is now
Cheyney University (1837) and
Lincoln
University (1854)) and Ohio (Wilberforce
University (1856)) and were established by the
generosity of Quaker, Episcopalian, and other
abolitionist supporters.
I'm still
embarrassed by my ignorance back then, in part because
my Northeastern high school history classes usually
began with the
Industrial Revolution and the challenges faced by my
post-Civil War,
Eastern European immigrant ancestors.
So, I was happy to
learn that since 1980, this second week of September
(but this first week in 2009) has been designated by the
White House as
National HBCU Week:
In 1980, President
Jimmy Carter signed
Executive Order 12232, which established a Federal
program ". . . to overcome the effects of discriminatory
treatment and to strengthen and expand the capacity of
historically black colleges and universities to provide
quality education." Each President since that time has
subsequently issued an Executive Order on HBCUs, with
President George W. Bush signing
Executive Order 13256, Feb. 12, 2002. (Bush's 2008
proclamation can be found
here in PDF). . . .
Each year about
this time, the US Department of Education sponsors a
week-long conference in Washington, DC, with specific
themes: in 2008, it was HBCUs: Established to Meet a
Need, Evolving with the Times, Essential for Today and
Tomorrow and in 2009 it's Seizing the Capacity to
Thrive!.
The theme implies a
harsh reality: that
some HBCUs are struggling financially and are
fighting to redefine their missions as highly-qualified
African Americans now have their pick of the 4,000 or so
US colleges and universities. But the continued value of
HBCUs is undeniable as
pointed out by Michelle J Nealy in Diverse Issues
in Higher Education:
|
While HBCUs represent
only 3 percent of all colleges and
universities, they enroll close to one-third
of all Black students. Forty percent of HBCU
students pursue four-year degrees in
science, technology, engineering and math,
and about half of all Black students in
teaching fields attended HBCUs.
Three-quarters of all African-American
Ph.D.s did their undergraduate studies at an
HBCU, and, according to a study conducted by
the National Center for Education
Statistics, the total economic impact of the
nation's HBCUs in 2001 was $10.2 billion. |
Another interesting
note I learned from
Rochelle Rush is that, "Spelman
College and
Bennett
College produce over half of the nation's African
American female doctorates in all science fields."
But to go back
further, HBCUs played an essential role in the health
care of African Americans. The now-defunct
Leonard Medical School and School of Pharmacy at
Shaw University
trained over 400 black physicians between 1881 and 1918,
some of whom went on as founders of other universities
and all whom addressed the critical role of health care
in underserved populations across the Jim Crow South.
(Incidentally, Shaw is the oldest HBCU in the South
having been
founded in 1865 by an ex-Union Army chaplain, Rev Dr
Henry Martin Tupper, who returned from Massachusetts
with other Northern teachers to establish an educational
institution for emancipated slaves. The institution is
named after a New England philanthropist, Elijah Shaw.)
Source:
Scienceblogs
* *
* * *
Medical History
A
Medical School for African Americans in 19th Century
North Carolina
On the evening of
March 31, 1886, a crowd of predominantly black Raleigh
citizens joined students, faculty, and invited guests of
Shaw University at the first commencement ceremonies
of Leonard Medical School. The six young men comprising
the graduating class sat on the platform with their
medical professors and the rest of the university
faculty and received their degrees. Keynote speaker
Eugene Grissom, M.D., superintendent of the North
Carolina Insane Asylum in Raleigh (later called Dorothea
Dix Hospital), treated the occasion with the same
seriousness and earnestness he would have given a white
medical school graduation. Not once did he allude to the
uniqueness of this commencement or to the race of the
young physicians being honored.
It was L.A. Scruggs
of Liberty, VA, the class valedictorian and soon-to-be
resident physician at Leonard Hospital, who brought home
that message to an audience that did not really need
reminding. "We who stand before you tonight are pioneers
of the medical profession of our race," he announced in
an oration entitled "Medical Education as a Factor in
the Elevation of the Colored Race." Over the next 32
years some 400 more black men would attend similar
ceremonies at Shaw, and then begin the practice of
medicine, generally in black communities around the
Southeast. . . .
On November 12,
1893,
Shaw University and Leonard Medical School marked
the end of an era: the Reverend Henry M. Tupper died
after 28 years of service to the institution he had
founded. His successor was
Charles Francis Meserve, a 44-year-old New Englander
with 12 years experience as superintendent of Haskell
Institute, a large Indian industrial training school in
Lawrence, KS. Meserve found financial matters at Shaw in
an alarming state and put the school's trustees and the
Home Mission Society on notice that he would not
jeopardize Shaw's existence for the sake of the medical,
law, and pharmacy schools.
Other Southern
black schools found themselves facing similarly bad
situations. By the late 1880s and 1890s the strong sense
of mission that had stimulated and sustained Northern
interest in the welfare of former slaves was waning.
Black migration to Northern towns and new interests in
caring for the larger numbers of European immigrants in
the Northern United States also contributed to a
declining concern for Southern blacks. Furthermore,
money had become tighter during the economic turmoil of
the 1890s.
Times were changing
for medicine as well.
Louis Pasteur and
Robert Koch had proven that microbes caused disease,
ushering in the era of bacteriology. German scientists
had moved medicine into the laboratory, from which they
were reporting exciting developments in pathology,
physiology, immunology, and microbiology. Innovative
surgery was being performed. Furthermore, medical
educators felt that the rapid, uncontrolled
proliferation of proprietary medical schools, which had
been occurring since the Civil War, had to be reversed.
The American Medical Association and individual state
boards of medical examiners now strove to increase the
standards of medical education.
In the periodic
inspections that the AMA made after 1904, Leonard always
received C ratings. The school tried desperately to keep
up with the changing standards. Terms were lengthened
gradually from four to eight months, laboratories were
upgraded and new ones built, microscopes were purchased,
admissions requirements were raised, more faculty and
courses were added, and finally in 1911 a new, modern
hospital was constructed. But still, at the core, lack
of money wore Leonard down. Rockefeller's General
Education Board saw Meharry, a bigger, more dynamic
black medical school in Nashville, TN, and Howard, more
visible in Washington and possessing better facilities,
as the logical recipients of its largesse in the area of
black medical education.
At the end of the
1914 term, Leonard Medical School closed the newly built
Leonard Hospital and reduced its program to a two-year
basic science curriculum. No individual or organization
was ever willing to step in and support the school
monetarily. Leonard needed an endowment and operating
capital to pay professors, buy equipment, maintain
teaching and clinical laboratories, and provide for the
other usual expenses of a modern medical school.
Instead, the school drew off funds from the rest of the
university, impeding, indeed reversing, the growth of
the larger institution.
Meserve felt he had
to close Leonard to save Shaw. He could hang on no
longer. So in 1918, having satisfied a need for some 36
years, Leonard Medical School closed its doors forever.
A fuller version of
the Leonard story by Todd L. Savitt, appeared in "The
Education of Physicians at Shaw University, 1882-1918:
Problems of Quality and Quantity," in Jeffrey Crow and
Flora J. Hatley eds.,
Black Americans in North Carolina and the South
(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984,
160-188).
Source:
East Carolina University
* *
* * *
Lessons Learned from
‘Setting the Agenda for Historically Black Colleges
and Universities’
By Dr. Marybeth
Gasman
June 8, 2010
Last week in
Durham, N.C., a wonderful symposium took place. It was
not business as usual but, instead, an honest look at
the future of HBCUs. Although I was one of the speakers,
I sat through all the sessions (which brought everyone
together in one room) and took about 40 pages of notes.
As a researcher, I
had many, many ideas going through my head. I thought
I’d share some of the lessons that the speakers had for
those of us who care about the future of HBCUs. Here are
some points that were made:
|
The emphasis at HBCUs
needs to go from access to retention and
increased graduation rates.
HBCUs
need to produce the knowledge workers of our
nation; increasing their production of more
students in the
STEM fields.
HBCUs
have a lot that they can teach majority
institutions and should be leading the way
in terms of educating African-American
students.
HBCUs
need to take control of the “narrative”
about HBCUs and make it more
success-oriented and positive. More HBCU
leaders need to be leading the charge and be
visible on a national stage.
HBCUs
need to be out in front when it comes to
educating more African-American males to be
teachers. Less than 2 percent of teachers
are Black males, and HBCUs need to help
solve this problem. They have the tools and
the legacy.
Data
are not to be feared but are to be used to
strengthen HBCUs. A fear of criticism must
be overcome. If HBCU leaders don’t confront
their challenges, others, who have little
contextual knowledge, will do it for them.
HBCU
leaders are not asking for anything special.
They want parity with historically White
institutions.
Faculty
members are the fabric of an institution,
and HBCUs need to take care of their
faculty, creating positive environments for
young Black faculty, in particular.
There
is a leadership crisis at HBCUs. Leaders of
HBCUs have the responsibility of creating
new leaders who can take the lead in the
future.
A strong faculty that
wants to participate in shared governance is
not the enemy of HBCU leaders; it is a
partner.
HBCUs
must create a niche; they cannot be all
things to all people. HBCUs should be able
to answer the questions: What’s our niche?
What are our signature programs?
HBCUs
need to train their students to solve
society’s problems and problems that have a
direct impact on Black communities
throughout the nation.
HBCUs
have taken their market share for granted.
In a post-Civil Rights era, students have
institutional choices, and they are making
them |
Although some of these lessons are
hard to swallow, they are very good food for thought.
All HBCU leaders should think about them as they move
their institutions forward.
Dr. Gasman, an associate
professor of higher education at the University of
Pennsylvania, is the author of Envisioning Black
Colleges: A History of the United Negro College Fund
(Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007) and lead editor
of “Understanding Minority Serving Institutions” (SUNY
Press, 2008).
Source:
Diverse Education
* *
* * *
|
ReShone L. Moore, Ph.D., serves as a
Management and Program Analyst with the U.S.
Department of Education, the White House
Initiative on Historically Black Colleges
and Universities (HBCUs). In this position,
Dr. Moore is charged with ensuring
successful implementation of Presidential
Executive Order 13256. She is the
conference coordinator for the National HBCU
Week Conference, a national event that
brings together over 1000 representatives
including presidents and chancellors, from
the HBCU community, federal agencies,
corporations and foundations, to participate
in discussions that examine issues critical
to the Black college community.
Dr. Moore
is also responsible for coordinating the
activities of the President’s Board of
Advisors on Historically Black Colleges and
Universities.—DCAlcornites
|
 |
* *
* * *
HBCUs and Higher
Education: Beyond the Iron Triangle—Remarks of Arne
Duncan to 2009 National Historically Black Colleges and
Universities Conference—September 2, 2009—Long
before researchers documented that non-cognitive skills
were often as important in determining success as book
smarts, HBCUs devoted special attention to forming the
character and habits of mind that helped students
succeed. As an 18-year old at Morehouse College, Martin
Luther King Jr. put it this way in the Maroon Tiger, the
campus newspaper: "Intelligence is not enough.
Intelligence plus character—that is the goal of true
education. The complete education gives one not only
power of concentration, but worthy objectives upon which
to concentrate."
During their first
half-century, HBCUs were far more prescriptive about
student conduct and character than other institutions of
higher education—so much so that scholars have described
the early African-American leaders of HBCUs as "Black
Victorians" and "Ebony Puritans." W.E.B DuBois, who
attended Harvard after his years at Fisk, later said
that "At Fisk, we had character dinned into our ears. At
Harvard we never mentioned it."
As decades passed,
HBCUs inevitably became less prescriptive about student
decorum. Yet even today when a freshman arrives at
Morehouse College he gets "The Speech." It's the same
speech that Martin Luther King heard, that Maynard
Jackson listened to, that Spike Lee absorbed. And the
speech is about what it means to be a Morehouse Man.
The president of
Morehouse tells those excited and nervous freshmen about
how they are to comport themselves on and off campus. He
tells them of the expectation that they will excel and
display ethical leadership—and go on to give something
back to society. Just last April, at a college town hall
meeting, Dr. Robert Franklin, Morehouse's current
president, told students that "Morehouse men must be so
sensitive to the presence of disorder, mediocrity and
injustice that they cannot sleep well at night until
they tip the scale toward justice."
Now I can confirm
that what W.E.B. DuBois wrote 60 years ago about Fisk
and Harvard is still true. There still is no speech at
Harvard about what it means to be a Harvard man, there
still is no admonition to be impatient with mediocrity
and social injustice.
Of course, in the
modern era, HBCU students have much more freedom than
their predecessors. But as Michael Lomax of the United
Negro College Fund has pointed out, a new generation of
gap-closing secondary schools in urban areas has in fact
adopted wholesale the HBCU model of emphasizing both
cognitive and non-cognitive skills.
High-performing
schools like the University Park Campus School in
Worcester, Massachusetts, the KIPP school network, Urban
Prep in Chicago, and the Achievement First schools all
carefully prescribe student conduct. They celebrate both
good schoolwork and good character. At Amistad Academy
in New Haven, a school motto that could be torn straight
from the HBCU playbook is "We sweat the small stuff."
And these
gap-closing schools learned one last lesson from HBCU's
about boosting minority achievement. They learned that a
teacher can be a prescriptive and strong mentor as long
as students know that he or she cares deeply about the
student's development and provides the one-on-one
attention that all our students' need. As a child, I
learned in my mother's afterschool program that a good
tutoring program is a good thing. But a good tutoring
program with a caring adult is a great thing. It can
literally change the course of a child's life.
Now we all know
that colleges and universities are not going to go back
to the days where college administrators enforced
parietal rules and visiting privileges in dorms. But the
basic insight that non-cognitive skills matter is still
true—and it's just as relevant at research universities,
liberal arts colleges, and community colleges as at
HBCUs.
Source:
Education gov News
Under a third of men at
black colleges earn degree in 6 years
By Justin Pope,
Associated Press
Memphis—They're
no longer the only option for African-American students,
but the country's historically black colleges and
universities brag that they provide a supportive
environment where these students are more likely to
succeed.
That, though, is
not necessarily true.
An Associated Press
analysis of government data on the 83 federally
designated four-year historically black colleges and
universities (HBCUs) shows just 37% of their black
students finish a degree within six years. That's 4
percentage points lower than the national college
graduation rate for black students.
One major reason:
the struggles of black men. Just 29% of HBCU males
complete a bachelor's degree within six years, the AP
found.
A few HBCUs, like
Howard and all-female Spelman, have much higher
graduation rates, exceeding the national averages for
both black and white students. But others are clustered
among the worst-performing colleges in the country. At
38 HBCUs, fewer than one in four men who started in 2001
had completed a bachelor's degree by 2007, the data
show. At Texas Southern, Voorhees, Edward Waters and
Miles College, the figure was under 10%.
 |
To be
sure, women are outperforming men across
education, and many non-HBCUs struggle with
low graduation rates. And the rates don't
account for students who transfer or take
more than six years, which may be more
common at HBCUs than at other schools.
Most
importantly, HBCUs educate a hugely
disproportionate share of low-income
students. Compared to other colleges defined
by the government as "low-income serving,"
HBCU graduation rates are just a few points
lower. Factoring in obstacles like lower
levels of academic preparation, some
research suggests that HBCUs do as well with
black students as do majority-white
institutions.
Still,
HBCUs' low completion rates, especially for
men, have broad consequences, on and off
campus. |
Women account for
more than 61% of HBCU students, the AP found. They have
unprecedented leadership opportunities, but also pay a
price—in everything from one-sided classroom discussions
to competition for dates.
HBCUs educate only
one-quarter of black college students, but produce an
outsized number of future black graduate students and
leaders. That group is distinctly female; HBCUs award
twice as many degrees to women as to men.
The good news is
some HBCUs are working hard to boost graduation
rates—and succeeding. Experts say that proves failure
isn't inevitable—but also means it's fair to ask tough
questions of schools that are not improving.
HBCUs receive more
than half their revenue from government. There is
growing frustration with the waste of money—for students
and taxpayers—when students have nothing to show for
their time in college. President Barack Obama wants to
return the United States to the top rank of college
attainment by 2020. That will never happen if the
colleges that do the heavy lifting of educating
disadvantaged groups don't perform better.
Even some within
the tight-knit HBCU community say the schools bear some
responsibility. They say too many HBCUs have grown
content offering students a chance at college, but
resisting the hard work to get them through. . . .
Source:
USA Today
* *
* * *
Men
We Love, Men We Hate /
Ways of
Laughing (Kalamu ya Salaam)
The State
of HBCUs for Black Students & Faculty /
From HBCUs to BCUs / HBCUs
& Black Educators / State of HBCU
Archives
* * *
* *
*
* * * *
 |
Blacks in Hispanic Literature: Critical Essays
Edited by
Miriam DeCosta-Willis
Blacks in Hispanic Literature is a
collection of fourteen essays by scholars and
creative writers from Africa and the Americas.
Called one of two significant critical works on
Afro-Hispanic literature to appear in the late
1970s, it includes the pioneering studies of
Carter G. Woodson and
Valaurez B. Spratlin, published in the 1930s, as
well as the essays of scholars whose interpretations
were shaped by the Black aesthetic. The early
essays, primarily of the Black-as-subject in Spanish
medieval and Golden Age literature, provide an
historical context for understanding 20th-century
creative works by African-descended, Hispanophone
writers, such as Cuban
Nicolás Guillén and Ecuadorean poet, novelist,
and scholar
Adalberto Ortiz, whose essay analyzes the
significance of Negritude in Latin America. This
collaborative text set the tone for later
conferences in which writers and scholars worked
together to promote, disseminate, and critique the
literature of Spanish-speaking people of African
descent. . . .
Cited by a
literary critic in 2004 as "the seminal study in the
field of Afro-Hispanic Literature . . . on which
most scholars in the field 'cut their teeth'."
|
* *
* * *
|
Sister Citizen: Shame, Stereotypes, and Black Women in
America
By Melissa V.
Harris-Perry
According to the
author, this society has historically exerted
considerable pressure on black females to fit into one
of a handful of stereotypes, primarily, the Mammy, the
Matriarch or the Jezebel. The selfless
Mammy’s behavior is marked by a slavish devotion to
white folks’ domestic concerns, often at the expense of
those of her own family’s needs. By contrast, the
relatively-hedonistic Jezebel is a sexually-insatiable
temptress. And the Matriarch is generally thought of as
an emasculating figure who denigrates black men, ala the
characters Sapphire and Aunt Esther on the television
shows Amos and Andy and Sanford and Son, respectively.
Professor Perry
points out how the propagation of these harmful myths
have served the mainstream culture well. For instance,
the Mammy suggests that it is almost second nature for
black females to feel a maternal instinct towards
Caucasian babies.
As for the source
of the Jezebel, black women had no control over their
own bodies during slavery given that they were being
auctioned off and bred to maximize profits. Nonetheless,
it was in the interest of plantation owners to propagate
the lie that sisters were sluts inclined to mate
indiscriminately.
|
 |
* *
* * *
* *
* * *
posted 9
September 2010
|