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In March 1960, just weeks after the Greensboro demonstrations, 200 to 300 students descended

upon the Rooftop restaurant and the theater

at the Northwood Shopping Center, which led

to the arrest of four students charged with

trespassing. Those four arrests would

set a precedent . . .

 

 

Clarence Logan and the Northwood Movement

By Sean Yoes, Afro Staff Writer

 

You have to understand the dynamics of the demonstration and how it works. It’s harassment if you want to know. It’s nonviolent harassment—a dogged effort coming again and again and again, occupying your place of business, sitting down will wear you down. That’s nonviolence.—Clarence Logan, former chairman of the Maryland Civic Interest Group

Part I

In many ways, the neighborhood surrounding what was Morgan State College in the 1950s was a slice of the American dream, symbolized by hit television shows of the time, like Leave it to Beaver or Father Knows Best. However, there was something festering on the campus of the historically Black college that would eventually disrupt the idyllic neighborhood that surrounded it.

photo right: Clarence Logan and the Rev. Douglas Sands were leaders of Baltimore’s sit-in demonstration movement of the1950s and‘60s

“When I arrived there [Morgan State College] in 1952, they were already underway,” said the Rev. Douglas Sands from a cavernous West Baltimore home. Sands, 71,  a recently retired Methodist minister, speaks with conviction as he reflects on his days as a “captain” of protest more than 50 years ago.

Sitting with Sands is Clarence Logan, the man he passed the baton of protest to after he left Morgan for the military in 1955. Logan still resembles a 1950s Eckstein-esque crooner in image and voice, but both he and Sands were the driving forces behind a movement of civic and social agitation that spanned more than a decade and predates Brown in 1954, Rosa Parks in 1955 and Greensboro in 1960.

However, the last thing on Sands’ mind prior to arriving at Morgan from Cooksville, Md., in Howard County was confronting racial injustice. “I had never had a confrontation with White folks—we pretty much stayed in our place,” said Sands, remembering his days growing up in the farm community of Cooksville.

 

Sands also remembers being spat upon by White kids on passing school buses while he and his friends walked to school along the side of the road, and making $3 per day for a day’s work on a farm, while his White counterparts made $7 per day for the same work.

But being treated as an afterthought or an inconvenience—like the vast majority of Black Americans were—maybe prepared Sands for protest at Morgan “For me, racial slurs were common place; it wasn’t anything unusual. It [protest] was a choice to make a statement. The response [from Whites] didn’t impress me at all,” said Sands. The statement made by Sands and other Morgan students was a loosely organized ongoing protest against Read’s drugstore. Read’s was a precursor to RiteAid, but Read’s served food at a lunch counter.

In 2005, convenience is a way of life. But 50 years ago, Read’s was like an oasis in the desert for hungry students who could take out a hot meal (there weren’t fast-food establishments or convenience stores on every corner in the 1950s) right at the corner of Coldspring Lane and Loch Raven Boulevard, just minutes from Morgan’s campus. But the operative phrase is “take out.” And of course, Blacks couldn’t sit down at Read’s and enjoy a meal like Whites. The first time Sands picketed Read’s, he was scooped up from class by two other Morgan students, one from Pennsylvania, the other from South Carolina.

There were pickets outside the drugstore, while students inside attempted to be served a meal at the lunch counter. The demonstrators were consistent, and so was the response of the all-White staff at Read’s. “They treated us with so much disdain that they expected that we wouldn’t return,” said Sands. But according to Sands, feelings of fear and trepidation were overwhelmed by a sense of purpose that prevailed on Morgan’s campus. “There was an atmosphere—it was expected of you,” said Sands. And according to Sands, two professors were at the core of that atmosphere of social agitation. “Dr. Wallace and Dr. Gill, they were the leaders of a very active political science department. They were giants of men that have not been recognized. Their teachings and our action showed that it was possible to make a change in the system,” said Sands

“I spent part of my day everyday between classes going around campus getting people to picket. I don’t think most of us expected that things were really going to change or that later on we’d see a national movement,” he said .But initially, things didn’t really change, at least not at Read’s. The protesters, led by Sands (by 1953, they were known as the “Social Action Committee”), continued to picket and sit in. However, things were beginning to heat up a few blocks away from Read’s.

The community of Northwood in northeast Baltimore had a strong neighborhood association whose covenant explicitly banned Blacks from purchasing homes in that neighborhood. Northwood Shopping Center, located at Havenwood Road, contained, among other establishments, a Hecht Co. department store, the Northwood Theatre and an Arundel’s Ice Cream Parlor; and, as early as 1953, the students of Morgan targeted all three.“ Going to Northwood said something to the community, and the community responded. They were concerned about their shopping center. They didn’t even want you to step on their property,” said Sands. “The people became greatly agitated: they threw bottles, rocks, spat at us and called us names.” Yet, the resistance of the Northwood neighborhood was met with greater numbers of protesters and better-organized demonstrations. “Things really heated up at Northwood in 1955,” said Sands.

That year, the Northwood movement was widely recognized in Baltimore. And, to a great extent, the torch had been passed from Sands and the Social Action Committee to Logan and the Civic Interest Group. “Specifically, the Civic Interest Group is interested in Negroes being served at the Hecht Co.’s Roof Top Restaurant and Arundel’s Ice Cream Store, and admission to the Northwood movie theater. Tuesday night, some 100 Negroes entered the restaurant and sat down at tables. Another 60 did the same thing at the ice cream store,” read an AFRO article circa 1955.

“You have to understand the dynamics of the demonstration and how it works,” said Logan. “It’s harassment if you want to know. It’s nonviolent harassment—a dogged effort coming again and again and again, occupying your place of business, sitting down will wear you down. That’s nonviolence.” And from 1955 to 1963, Logan would direct what would become a massive sit-in demonstration movement in Baltimore that would rock the foundation of the city and even garner the attention of the nation. (

Source: “The Northwood Movement, Part 1,” The Battle for Equal Access,  pp.16-19

Part 2

The old strategy would not work. In 1960, they would just sit there and then they would get up,” said Clarence Logan, reflecting back almost 50 years to when he was chairman of the Civic Interest Group of Maryland, which fought against racial injustice throughout the state. “We have to commit them to go the distance, meaning they would have to go to jail,” he said recalling a meeting he had with leaders of Morgan State College’s student government in 1960. The climate of protest was clearly changing in Baltimore and the rest of the nation. There was more of a sense of urgency, more of a sense that perhaps things could really change.

The movement was getting a little more militant,” said Logan. Logan is a student of the American civil rights movement and an integral part of it in Maryland. And when he speaks of the “dynamics of the demonstration,” he speaks as both scholar and soldier of the movement. In 1955, Logan was stationed at Eglin Air Force Base in Florida, which wasn’t far from Montgomery, Ala., where Martin Luther King Jr. first took the national stage leading the Montgomery Bus Boycott. He also got wind of the Tallahassee Bus Boycott that was happening around the same time. “I began to under-stand that this is protest. This is what should be going on—not knowing this is what was going on at Morgan,” said Logan.

By 1957, Logan was out of the Air Force and taking night classes at Morgan State College. And he was witnessing protest firsthand. By 1959, he was serving in different capacities with CIG. That year, the group had been instrumental in gaining a hard-earned desegregation victory at Arundel’s Ice Cream Parlor, one of the establishments at the infamous Northwood Shopping Center.

“That was a time when the ferment for desegregation was very active,” said Dr. Marion Bascom, pastor emeritus of Douglas Memorial Church. Bascom was an important part of Maryland’s civil rights leadership. And he was a member of the notorious “Goon Squad,” a group of men that included Vernon Dobson, Harold Dobson, Homer Favor, Sam Daniels and others dedicated to Black empowerment.

“You have to remember, this was a neighborhood affair. Morgan State College was across the street, diagonal from the Northwood enclave, and thousands of students were being denied privileges at Northwood. The students had got-ten restless. There was a climate there,” said Bascom. But the internal politics of the civil rights movement were becoming more complex, and Baltimore had been thrust into the national spotlight. In 1960, the national chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) had negotiated an armistice of sorts in Baltimore, specifically with merchants of the Route 40 corridor. The deal said that if 39 stores would desegregate, Morgan students would not demonstrate. The student leadership acquiesced to CORE. “All hell broke loose,” said Logan. And  perhaps rightfully so. Of the 39 stores that originally agreed to desegregate, about one-third backed away from the agreement. Many students, not just from Morgan but from other colleges and high schools in the area, were angry and disappointed because there was a sense that some progress was actually being made.

In fact, in 1960, CIG claimed that they were able to successfully desegregate 114 stores in Baltimore City. By the end of that year, Logan became chairman of Maryland CIG, and in 1961, the organization shifted much of its energy to demonstrations in Southern Maryland. “We had to overcome the fear factor on the Eastern Shore. They had to forget about the past and confront these people who are oppressing you,” said Logan, recalling the march on Crisfield, Md., in 1961. For more than a year, CIG demonstrated, organizing marches in several towns on the Eastern Shore and in Southern Maryland. “I got tear-gassed. I had my butt kicked in Chestertown. I had a foot in my a-- everywhere I went. We were veterans. We had been in the battle,” said Logan.

“I guess I thought I was fighting a war sometimes.” That war mentality served Logan and CIG for the final phase of the Northwood movement, which began in February 1963.The mandate expressed in the1960 meeting between Logan and Morgan’s student leaders—“We have to commit them to go the distance, meaning they would have to go to jail”—would prove prophetic. In February 1963, a crowd of mostly Morgan students, along with some from other area colleges, moved en masse on the Northwood Movie Theatre. But instead of moving when ordered to by police, they refused and were arrested. Each day the number of arrests grew: from 26, to 68, to100, to 150. Most refused bail. Some got arrested, got out of jail and got arrested again.

“The entire Kappa line got arrested. So the next day, the Alphas went and got arrested, and then the Deltas and the AKAs. We were jeopardizing the whole college process at Morgan,” said Logan. Again, the national spotlight was thrust upon Baltimore. Much of the country watched while hundreds of college kids were hauled off and thrown into jail. And like other Southern cities directly impacted by the civil rights movement, part of the strategy was to “shame their oppressors”—in this case, the White owners of the Northwood Theatre — into desegregating. “I’m overwhelmed at the end result of what might have been a very embarrassing situation to Baltimore,” said Bascom in an AFRO article, dated March 2,1963.

So many students were detained at Baltimore City Jail, that the facility essentially ran out of room. “The tempo of arrests was relaxed: They had no more room at the jail,” said Logan, who insists that about 415 students actually got arrested during those intense days of protest. But 343 were jailed at the time Northwood Theatre owners finally agreed to integrate. “In just six consecutive days, Morgan students accomplished the victory that had alluded them in eight years of periodic demonstrations, through the use of civil disobedience and their mass refusal to accept bail,” said Logan. “Logan, now as he was then, has always been a civil rights worker at his core,” said Bascom. But just months after the great victory at Northwood, Logan and a phalanx of civil rights soldiers would be focused on another major battle: Gwynn Oak Amusement Park.

Source: “The Northwood Movement, Part 2,” The Battle for Equal Access, pp. 20-22)

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Northwood protesting students released from jail.

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Desegregating the Business District of Downtown Baltimore

 

“Demonstrations at Morgan was like a rite of spring; they always cropped up at the same time every year,” said Clarence Logan, who was one of the most important soldiers and strategists in Maryland’s civil rights battles. For several years, he was the leader of the Civic Interest Group, which played a major role in many of those battles, especially Northwood. “Around the same time, we had student government elections on campus and the candidates would always pledge that they would desegregate. The students would rally around that and they would go out and do some things and go to Northwood. And they would stay there for two or three months, and then, that was it until the following year, usually,” recalled Logan. But a sit-in demonstration by students from North Carolina A&T in Greensboro, N.C., in February 1960 would interrupt the regular pattern of protest at Northwood.

The Greensboro demonstrations have been acknowledged historically as the first “sit-in” demonstrations in the country. However, successful sit-in campaigns were conducted by Morgan State College students years before Greensboro, specifically at Read’s drugstore and lunch counter in 1955 and Arundel’s Ice Cream Parlor in 1959.The Greensboro demonstrations, however, may have sparked a subtle change in tactics and an overt change in attitude. “After the Greensboro demonstration took place, there was this tremendous upheaval on Southern campuses. Everybody caught on and we had a breakaway from the adult way of approaching desegregation,” said Logan. “In other words, the students were more confrontational. They didn’t wait. They didn’t go with hat in hand. They said, ‘We demand this,’” said Logan.

In March 1960, just weeks after the Greensboro demonstrations, 200 to 300 students descended upon the Rooftop restaurant and the theater at the Northwood Shopping Center, which led to the arrest of four students charged with trespassing. Those four arrests would set a precedent for future charges filed to combat protests. The demonstrations at Northwood in March 1960 triggered complaints from management at the Hecht-May Co., which cited a 49 percent drop in business. That led to a court injunction imposed by Judge Joseph Allen that limited protests to two demonstrators at the Hecht-May department store, two at the restaurant and two in the remaining shopping area. “There was the question of, ‘What do we do?’ This thing was a momentum killer,” said Logan. The answer came from an interesting source. “Go downtown” was the advice Furman Templeton, the executive director of the Baltimore Urban League, gave to the Morgan student leadership after the injunction was instituted.

The Urban League at the time was an organization reputed to have a strong relation-ship with Baltimore’s White business community. And it was viewed as perhaps the least radical of the civil rights organizations. But because of Templeton’s ties to the White business community, some speculate he may have had inside information indicating that success in desegregating downtown was imminent. In fact, a year earlier, Martin Kohn, the president of Hoshchild Kohn’s department store met with the Maryland Commission on Interracial Problems and Relations, and said, “All decent people should be served.” Strangled by the injunction on Northwood, and encouraged by the advice provided by Templeton, CIG decided to move on the down-town department stores. First on the list was Hoshchild Kohn.

On March 26, 1960, the plan was for dozens of demonstrators to mingle into the downtown crowds instead of presenting a phalanx of picketers. They entered the store in groups, but instead of being met with resistance, they were met with menus. “On the day they went down there, Hoshchild Kohn anticipated them. When they walked in, they were greeted at Hoshchild Kohn [and] they were given menus.

On the 26th of March, Hoshchild Kohn completely desegregated,” said Logan, who remembered how the lack of resistance from the department store caught the demonstrators totally off guard. “It was not expected, and the students didn’t have any money. It was sort of an embarrassing situation, but they got together and scraped up enough to order something,” added Logan. While CIG made the breakthrough at Hoshchild Kohn, Albert Hutzler, the owner of the jewel of the downtown department stores, Hutzler’s, was on vacation.

Hutzler’s, at best, had a dubious reputation as far as race relations were concerned. But on April 16, upon his return from vacation, Albert Hutzler immediately called a meeting of his store managers. The next day he met with several leaders of the movement, including Logan; Robert Watts, the CIG attorney (Watts would later help found the first major Black law firm in Baltimore and was the first Black appointed to the Municipal Court); and Templeton. According to Logan, before anyone could lobby him to integrate his store, Hutzler said, “I made the decision that we have to change our policy.”

“Then he picked the phone up and dialed Hecht-May Co. to inform Hecht’s that he had made the decision. He did the same with Stewart’s . . .’ If Hutzler’s is willing to serve, we will too.’ Hutzler’s was the flagship store,” said Logan.

Essentially, one demonstration, meeting with noresistance, led the four pillars of Baltimore’s down-town retail business district to eradicate their Jim Crow policies, and it created a domino effect. Between March 1960 and March 1961, 115 restaurants desegregated, mainly due to the efforts of CIG. “The children changed their attitudes by their approach. Not only did they desegregate, but they changed the way they looked at things. That’s what non-violence is all about. They found that racism isn’t good business,” said Logan (“Going Downtown: Students Take Protest to Heart of Racism in Baltimore,” The Battle for Equal Access, pp.28-31).

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Civic Interest Group (1960-1963)

The Civic Interest Group (CIG) is one of the main direct-action organizations active in Baltimore, MD. Led by students from Morgan State, CIG also includes activists from Coppin State College, Black high school kids, and some white students from Goucher College and Johns Hopkins University.

Up the street from Morgan State is the Northwood Shopping Center where eating and entertainment facilities are segregated. Early in March, CIG begins picketing and sit-ins at Hecht's department store, Arundel's Ice Cream Parlor, and the Northwood movie theater. Some protesters are arrested. Within a short time the eating places agree to serve everyone regardless of race, but the theater continues to bar Blacks. Protests continue at the cinema for years (see Northwood Theatre — Baltimore for continuation).

The CIG students expand their protests to the lunch counters and tea rooms of the big downtown department stores which quickly agree to desegregate. Other Baltimore lunch counters, cafes, and restaurants, are more recalcitrant and direct-action continues at those facilities.

In June, students are arrested for sitting in at Hooper's Restaurant. After being convicted of trespass, their case is appealed by Thurgood Marshall and Juanita Jackson Mitchell of the NAACP. Five years later, in 1965, their convictions are overturned by the Supreme Court. Robert Mack Bell (16), the student body president of Dunbar High School, is one of the arrested students. He later graduates from Harvard Law School, and in 1996 becomes the Chief Judge of the Maryland Court of Appeals.CRMVet 

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Northwood Theatre—Baltimore (Feb)

February 1963 marks the beginning of the 4th year of direct-action assaults on segregation since the first Greensboro Sit-in in 1960. Across the South, local campaigns carry on the struggle in communities large and small. These efforts are rarely, if ever, covered by the national media, but taken together they are changing the face of society at the ground level. One typical example is the fight to integrate the Northwood movie theater in Baltimore.

Segregated movie theaters are part of the "southern way of life." In many places there are "white only" and "colored" cinemas, in other places seating on the main floor is limited to whites, while Blacks are restricted to the "Jim Crow" balcony, often with a separate ticket booth and entrance. While school integration sparks the most intense resistance by segregationists, in many communities their determination to maintain segregation at recreation venues such as theaters, swimming pools, and skating rinks is almost as fierce. White racists are obsessed with inter-racial sex—"miscegenation"—"race-mixing." The idea that Black males might sit next to their white wives, sisters, and daughters in a darkened movie house stirs their deepest phobias in ways that lunch-counter integration does not.

The Northwood theater is adjacent to Morgan State, a Black college in Baltimore. The area around the campus and theater is almost all white, except for the Black campus. For three years the student-led Civic Interest Group (CIG) has demonstrated against the cinema's white-only policy. In mid-February of 1963, they sharply escalate their protests. While half a hundred students picket outside, 25 enter the lobby to purchase tickets. When they are denied admission, they refuse to leave and are arrested for Trespass. Among them is Miss Morgan State and other student leaders. Protests and arrests continue. Within a week, close to 350 students (and a few professors) have been jailed. Bail is set at $600 (equal to $3,800 in 2006 dollars), which few can pay.

Morgan student Julia Davidson-Randall recalls:

I was arrested along with about 300 people. ... When we were arrested, everyone was crying and scared because they had us in jail with the real criminals. After we had been there a day or two — we were there a total of four days—by the second day everybody had calmed down and we were interviewing the inmates and asking them what they were in for? My father came to visit. He didn't have the money to get me out because we were poor.1

Students at Howard University in Washington mobilize to support the Morgan State students. Jean Wiley recalls:

I was in jail when the Howard group sent word that they were on their way, en masse. Suddenly, the mayor woke up and thought, "Oh, we're not having this. Clear all the jails out. Just get them out. Forget procedure, just get them out of there." And we got out. That was real big, there's real, real power in numbers.2

After a week of intense direct-action the theater capitulates and ends its white-only policy.—CRMvet

photo above left: The General: Clarence Logan, the leader of the Maryland Civic Interest Group, and his thousands of student troops never relented until victory at Northwood was theirs.

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Obama and Black Americans: the Paradox of Hope—By Gary Younge—But for all the ways black America has felt better about itself and looked better to others, it has not actually fared better. In fact, it has been doing worse. The economic gap between black and white has grown since Obama took power. Under his tenure black unemployment, poverty and foreclosures are at their highest levels for at least a decade.

Millions of black kids may well aspire to the presidency now that a black man is in the White House. But such a trajectory is less likely for them now than it was under Bush. Herein lies what is at best a paradox and at worst a contradiction within Obama’s core base of support. The very group most likely to support him—black Americans—is the same group that is doing worse under him.—TheNation

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What We Want

By Stokely Carmichael

A Christian Goon Squad in Black Baltimore

Reverend Marion Bascom's Civil Righting  / Chester Wickwire Desegregating Gwynn Oak Amusement Park

Roy Wilkins and Spiro Agnew in Annapolis  /  Agnew Speaks to Black Baltimore Leaders 1968

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Walter Hall Lively   Forty Years of Determined Struggle 

Putting Baltimore's People First  Dominance of Johns Hopkins   A Brief Economic History of Modern Baltimore

Understanding the Monumental City: A Bibliographic Essay on Baltimore History (Richard J. Cox)

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The End of Black Rage? Class and Delusion in Black America (Jared Ball)

The Black Generation Gap (Ellis Cose) 

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Black Power, A Critique of the System / Black Power  / What We Want

Amite County   Beginning   Kish Mir Tuchas     A Tribute to Kwame Toure/Stokely Carmichael

Black Power by Franklin Hugh Adler  / The Trouble with Black Power

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AALBC.com's 25 Best Selling Books


 

Fiction

#1 - Justify My Thug by Wahida Clark
#2 - Flyy Girl by Omar Tyree
#3 - Head Bangers: An APF Sexcapade by Zane
#4 - Life Is Short But Wide by J. California Cooper
#5 - Stackin' Paper 2 Genesis' Payback by Joy King
#6 - Thug Lovin' (Thug 4) by Wahida Clark
#7 - When I Get Where I'm Going by Cheryl Robinson
#8 - Casting the First Stone by Kimberla Lawson Roby
#9 - The Sex Chronicles: Shattering the Myth by Zane

#10 - Covenant: A Thriller  by Brandon Massey

#11 - Diary Of A Street Diva  by Ashley and JaQuavis

#12 - Don't Ever Tell  by Brandon Massey

#13 - For colored girls who have considered suicide  by Ntozake Shange

#14 - For the Love of Money : A Novel by Omar Tyree

#15 - Homemade Loves  by J. California Cooper

#16 - The Future Has a Past: Stories by J. California Cooper

#17 - Player Haters by Carl Weber

#18 - Purple Panties: An Eroticanoir.com Anthology by Sidney Molare

#19 - Stackin' Paper by Joy King

#20 - Children of the Street: An Inspector Darko Dawson Mystery by Kwei Quartey

#21 - The Upper Room by Mary Monroe

#22 – Thug Matrimony  by Wahida Clark

#23 - Thugs And The Women Who Love Them by Wahida Clark

#24 - Married Men by Carl Weber

#25 - I Dreamt I Was in Heaven - The Rampage of the Rufus Buck Gang by Leonce Gaiter

Non-fiction

#1 - Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention by Manning Marable
#2 - Confessions of a Video Vixen by Karrine Steffans
#3 - Dear G-Spot: Straight Talk About Sex and Love by Zane
#4 - Letters to a Young Brother: MANifest Your Destiny by Hill Harper
#5 - Peace from Broken Pieces: How to Get Through What You're Going Through by Iyanla Vanzant
#6 - Selected Writings and Speeches of Marcus Garvey by Marcus Garvey
#7 - The Ebony Cookbook: A Date with a Dish by Freda DeKnight
#8 - The Isis Papers: The Keys to the Colors by Frances Cress Welsing
#9 - The Mis-Education of the Negro by Carter Godwin Woodson

#10 - John Henrik Clarke and the Power of Africana History  by Ahati N. N. Toure

#11 - Fail Up: 20 Lessons on Building Success from Failure by Tavis Smiley

#12 -The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander

#13 - The Black Male Handbook: A Blueprint for Life by Kevin Powell

#14 - The Other Wes Moore: One Name, Two Fates by Wes Moore

#15 - Why Men Fear Marriage: The Surprising Truth Behind Why So Many Men Can't Commit  by RM Johnson

#16 - Black Titan: A.G. Gaston and the Making of a Black American Millionaire by Carol Jenkins

#17 - Brainwashed: Challenging the Myth of Black Inferiority by Tom Burrell

#18 - A New Earth: Awakening to Your Life's Purpose by Eckhart Tolle

#19 - John Oliver Killens: A Life of Black Literary Activism by Keith Gilyard

#20 - Alain L. Locke: The Biography of a Philosopher by Leonard Harris

#21 - Age Ain't Nothing but a Number: Black Women Explore Midlife by Carleen Brice

#22 - 2012 Guide to Literary Agents by Chuck Sambuchino
#23 - Chicken Soup for the Prisoner's Soul by Tom Lagana
#24 - 101 Things Every Boy/Young Man of Color Should Know by LaMarr Darnell Shields

#25 - Beyond the Black Lady: Sexuality and the New African American Middle Class  by Lisa B. Thompson

*   *   *   *   *

A Matter Of Law: A Memoir Of Struggle In The Cause Of Equal Rights

By Robert L. Carter and Foreword by John Hope Franklin

Robert Lee Carter (March 11, 1917 – January 3, 2012) insisted on using the research of the psychologist Kenneth B. Clark to attack segregated schools, a daring courtroom tactic in the eyes of some civil rights lawyers. Experiments by Mr. Clark and his wife, Mamie, showed that black children suffered in their learning and development by being segregated. Mr. Clark’s testimony proved crucial in persuading the court to act, Mr. Carter wrote in a 2004 book, “A Matter of Law: A Memoir of Struggle in the Cause of Equal Rights.” As chief deputy to the imposing Mr. Marshall, who was to become the first black Supreme Court justice, Mr. Carter labored for years in his shadow. In the privacy of legal conferences, Mr. Carter was seen as the house radical, always urging his colleagues to push legal and constitutional positions to the limits.

He recalled that Mr. Marshall had encouraged him to play the gadfly: “I was younger and more radical than many of the people Thurgood would have in, I guess. But he’d never let them shut me up.” Robert Lee Carter was born in Caryville, in the Florida Panhandle . . . . NYTimes / Oral History  Archive

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Here lies Jim Crow: Civil rights in Maryland

 By C. Fraser Smith

Though he lived throughout much of the South—and even worked his way into parts of the North for a time—Jim Crow was conceived and buried in Maryland. From Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney's infamous decision in the Dred Scott case to Thurgood Marshall's eloquent and effective work on Brown v. Board of Education, the battle for black equality is very much the story of Free State women and men. Here, Baltimore Sun columnist C. Fraser Smith recounts that tale through the stories, words, and deeds of famous, infamous, and little-known Marylanders. He traces the roots of Jim Crow laws from Dred Scott to Plessy v. Ferguson and describes the parallel and opposite early efforts of those who struggled to establish freedom and basic rights for African Americans.

Following the historical trail of evidence, Smith relates latter-day examples of Maryland residents who trod those same steps, from the thrice-failed attempt to deny black people the vote in the early twentieth century to nascent demonstrations for open access to lunch counters, movie theaters, stores, golf courses, and other public and private institutions—struggles that occurred decades before the now-celebrated historical figures strode onto the national civil rights scene.

Smith's lively account includes the grand themes and the state's major players in the movement—Frederick Douglass, Harriett Tubman, Thurgood Marshall, and Lillie May Jackson, among others.—and also tells the story of the struggle via several of Maryland's important but relatively unknown men and women—such as Gloria Richardson, John Prentiss Poe, William L. "Little Willie" Adams, and Walter Sondheim—who prepared Jim Crow's grave and waited for the nation to deliver the body.Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008

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The End of Anger

A New Generation's Take on Race and Rage

By Ellis Cose

From a venerated and bestselling voice on American life comes a contemporary look at the decline of black rage; the demise of white guilt; and the intergenerational shifts in how blacks and whites view, and interact with, each other. In the heady aftermath of President Obama's election, conventional wisdom suggested that the bitter, angry, and destructive elements of discrimination were ebbing at last and America was becoming a postracial nation. . . . Weaving material from myriad interviews as well as two large and ambitious surveys that he conducted—one of black Harvard MBAs and the other of graduates of A Better Chance, a program offering elite educational opportunities to thousands of young people of color since 1963—Cose offers an invaluable portrait of contemporary America that attempts to make sense of what a people do when the dream, for some, is finally within reach as one historical era ends and another begins.—Ecco, 2011

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The White Masters of the World

From The World and Africa, 1965

By W. E. B. Du Bois

W. E. B. Du Bois’ Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization (Fletcher)

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Ancient African Nations

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The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan  The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll  Only a Pawn in Their Game

Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for Slavery

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The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg

The Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804  / January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of Haiti 

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ChickenBones Store (Books, DVDs, Music, and more)

 

 

 

 

 

posted 14 June 2011 

 

 

 

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