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Clarence Logan and
the Northwood Movement
By Sean Yoes,
Afro Staff Writer
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You
have to understand the dynamics of the
demonstration and how it works. It’s
harassment if you want to know. It’s
nonviolent harassment—a dogged effort coming
again and again and again, occupying your
place of business, sitting down will wear
you down. That’s nonviolence.—Clarence
Logan, former chairman of the Maryland Civic
Interest Group |
Part I
In many ways, the neighborhood
surrounding what was Morgan State College in the 1950s
was a slice of the American dream, symbolized by hit
television shows of the time, like Leave it to Beaver or
Father Knows Best. However, there was something
festering on the campus of the historically Black
college that would eventually disrupt the idyllic
neighborhood that surrounded it.
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“When I
arrived there [Morgan State College] in
1952, they were already underway,” said the
Rev. Douglas Sands from a cavernous West
Baltimore home. Sands, 71, a recently
retired Methodist minister, speaks with
conviction as he reflects on his days as a
“captain” of protest more than 50 years ago.
Sitting
with Sands is Clarence Logan, the man he
passed the baton of protest to after he left
Morgan for the military in 1955. Logan still
resembles a 1950s Eckstein-esque crooner in
image and voice, but both he and Sands were
the driving forces behind a movement of
civic and social agitation that spanned more
than a decade and predates Brown in 1954,
Rosa Parks in 1955 and Greensboro in 1960.
However, the last thing on Sands’ mind prior
to arriving at Morgan from Cooksville, Md.,
in Howard County was confronting racial
injustice. “I had never had a confrontation
with White folks—we pretty much stayed in
our place,” said Sands, remembering his days
growing up in the farm community of
Cooksville.
photo
right; Brothers in arms: Clarence Logan and
the Rev. Douglas Sands were leaders
of Baltimore’s sit-in demonstration movement
of the1950s and‘60s |
 |
Sands also
remembers being spat upon by White kids on passing
school buses while he and his friends walked to school
along the side of the road, and making $3 per day for a
day’s work on a farm, while his White counterparts made
$7 per day for the same work.
But being treated
as an afterthought or an inconvenience—like the vast
majority of Black Americans were—maybe prepared Sands
for protest at Morgan “For me, racial slurs were common
place; it wasn’t anything unusual. It [protest] was a
choice to make a statement. The response [from Whites]
didn’t impress me at all,” said Sands. The statement
made by Sands and other Morgan students was a loosely
organized ongoing protest against Read’s drugstore.
Read’s was a precursor to RiteAid, but Read’s served
food at a lunch counter.
In 2005,
convenience is a way of life. But 50 years ago, Read’s
was like an oasis in the desert for hungry students who
could take out a hot meal (there weren’t fast-food
establishments or convenience stores on every corner in
the 1950s) right at the corner of Coldspring Lane and
Loch Raven Boulevard, just minutes from Morgan’s campus.
But the operative phrase is “take out.” And of course,
Blacks couldn’t sit down at Read’s and enjoy a meal like
Whites. The first time Sands picketed Read’s, he was
scooped up from class by two other Morgan students, one
from Pennsylvania, the other from South Carolina.
There were pickets
outside the drugstore, while students inside attempted
to be served a meal at the lunch counter. The
demonstrators were consistent, and so was the response
of the all-White staff at Read’s. “They treated us with
so much disdain that they expected that we wouldn’t
return,” said Sands. But according to Sands, feelings of
fear and trepidation were overwhelmed by a sense of
purpose that prevailed on Morgan’s campus. “There was an
atmosphere—it was expected of you,” said Sands. And
according to Sands, two professors were at the core of
that atmosphere of social agitation. “Dr. Wallace and
Dr. Gill, they were the leaders of a very active
political science department. They were giants of men
that have not been recognized. Their teachings and our
action showed that it was possible to make a change in
the system,” said Sands
“I spent part of my
day everyday between classes going around campus getting
people to picket. I don’t think most of us expected that
things were really going to change or that later on we’d
see a national movement,” he said .But initially, things
didn’t really change, at least not at Read’s. The
protesters, led by Sands (by 1953, they were known as
the “Social Action Committee”), continued to picket and
sit in. However, things were beginning to heat up a few
blocks away from Read’s.
The community of
Northwood in northeast Baltimore had a strong
neighborhood association whose covenant explicitly
banned Blacks from purchasing homes in that
neighborhood. Northwood Shopping Center, located at
Havenwood Road, contained, among other establishments, a
Hecht Co. department store, the Northwood Theatre and an
Arundel’s Ice Cream Parlor; and, as early as 1953, the
students of Morgan targeted all three.“ Going to
Northwood said something to the community, and the
community responded. They were concerned about their
shopping center. They didn’t even want you to step on
their property,” said Sands. “The people became greatly
agitated: they threw bottles, rocks, spat at us and
called us names.” Yet, the resistance of the Northwood
neighborhood was met with greater numbers of protesters
and better-organized demonstrations. “Things really
heated up at Northwood in 1955,” said Sands.
That year, the
Northwood movement was widely recognized in Baltimore.
And, to a great extent, the torch had been passed from
Sands and the Social Action Committee to Logan
and the Civic Interest Group. “Specifically, the Civic
Interest Group is interested in Negroes being served at
the Hecht Co.’s Roof Top Restaurant and Arundel’s Ice
Cream Store, and admission to the Northwood movie
theater. Tuesday night, some 100 Negroes entered the
restaurant and sat down at tables. Another 60 did the
same thing at the ice cream store,” read an AFRO article
circa 1955.
“You have to
understand the dynamics of the demonstration and how it
works,” said Logan. “It’s harassment if you want
to know. It’s nonviolent harassment—a dogged effort
coming again and again and again, occupying your place
of business, sitting down will wear you down. That’s
nonviolence.” And from 1955 to 1963, Logan would
direct what would become a massive sit-in demonstration
movement in Baltimore that would rock the foundation of
the city and even garner the attention of the nation. (
Source: “The
Northwood Movement, Part 1,”
The Battle for Equal Access, pp.16-19
Part 2
The old strategy
would not work. In 1960, they would just sit there and
then they would get up,” said Clarence Logan, reflecting
back almost 50 years to when he was chairman of the
Civic Interest Group of Maryland, which fought against
racial injustice throughout the state. “We have to
commit them to go the distance, meaning they would have
to go to jail,” he said recalling a meeting he had with
leaders of
Morgan State College’s student government in
1960. The climate of protest was clearly changing in
Baltimore and the rest of the nation. There was more of
a sense of urgency, more of a sense that perhaps things
could really change.
The movement was
getting a little more militant,” said Logan. Logan is a
student of the American civil rights movement and an
integral part of it in Maryland. And when he speaks
of the “dynamics of the demonstration,” he speaks as
both scholar and soldier of the movement. In 1955, Logan
was stationed at Eglin Air Force Base in Florida, which
wasn’t far from Montgomery, Ala., where Martin Luther
King Jr. first took the national stage leading the
Montgomery Bus Boycott. He also got wind of the
Tallahassee Bus Boycott that was happening around the
same time. “I began to under-stand that this is protest.
This is what should be going on—not knowing this is what
was going on at Morgan,” said Logan.
By 1957, Logan was
out of the Air Force and taking night classes at
Morgan State College. And he was witnessing protest firsthand.
By 1959, he was serving in different capacities with
CIG. That year, the group had been instrumental in
gaining a hard-earned desegregation victory at Arundel’s
Ice Cream Parlor, one of the establishments at the
infamous Northwood Shopping Center.
“That was a time
when the ferment for desegregation was very active,”
said Dr. Marion Bascom, pastor emeritus of Douglas
Memorial Church. Bascom was an important part of
Maryland’s civil rights leadership. And he was a member
of the notorious “Goon Squad,” a group of men that
included Vernon Dobson, Harold Dobson, Homer Favor, Sam
Daniels and others dedicated to Black empowerment.
“You have to
remember, this was a neighborhood affair. Morgan State
College was across the street, diagonal from the
Northwood enclave, and thousands of students were being
denied privileges at Northwood. The students had got-ten
restless. There was a climate there,” said
Bascom. But the internal politics of the civil rights
movement were becoming more complex, and Baltimore had
been thrust into the national spotlight. In 1960, the
national chapter of the
Congress
of Racial Equality
(CORE) had negotiated an armistice of sorts in
Baltimore, specifically with merchants of the Route 40
corridor. The deal said that if 39 stores would
desegregate, Morgan students would not demonstrate. The
student leadership acquiesced to
CORE. “All hell broke
loose,” said Logan. And perhaps rightfully so. Of the
39 stores that originally agreed to desegregate, about
one-third backed away from the agreement. Many students,
not just from Morgan but from other colleges and high
schools in the area, were angry and disappointed because
there was a sense that some progress was actually being
made.
In fact, in 1960,
CIG claimed that they were able to successfully
desegregate 114 stores in Baltimore City. By the end of
that year, Logan became chairman of Maryland CIG, and in
1961, the organization shifted much of its energy to
demonstrations in Southern Maryland. “We had to overcome
the fear factor on the Eastern Shore. They had to forget
about the past and confront these people who are
oppressing you,” said Logan, recalling the march on
Crisfield, Md., in 1961. For more than a year, CIG
demonstrated, organizing marches in several towns on the
Eastern Shore and in Southern Maryland. “I got
tear-gassed. I had my butt kicked in Chestertown. I had
a foot in my a-- everywhere I went. We were veterans.
We had been in the
battle,” said Logan.
“I guess I thought I was fighting a
war sometimes.” That war mentality served Logan and CIG
for the final phase of the Northwood movement, which
began in February 1963.The mandate expressed in the1960
meeting between Logan and Morgan’s student leaders—“We
have to commit them to go the distance, meaning they
would have to go to jail”—would prove prophetic. In
February 1963, a crowd of mostly Morgan students, along
with some from other area colleges, moved en masse on
the Northwood Movie Theatre. But instead of moving when
ordered to by police, they refused and were arrested.
Each day the number of arrests grew: from 26, to 68,
to100, to 150. Most refused bail. Some got arrested, got
out of jail and got arrested again.
“The entire Kappa
line got arrested. So the next day, the Alphas went and
got arrested, and then the Deltas and the AKAs. We
were jeopardizing the whole college process at Morgan,”
said Logan. Again, the national spotlight was thrust
upon Baltimore. Much of the country watched while
hundreds of college kids were hauled off and thrown into
jail. And like other Southern cities directly impacted
by the civil rights movement, part of the strategy was
to “shame their oppressors”—in this case, the White
owners of the Northwood Theatre — into desegregating.
“I’m overwhelmed at the end result of what might have
been a very embarrassing situation to Baltimore,” said
Bascom in an AFRO article, dated March 2,1963.
So many students
were detained at Baltimore City Jail, that the facility
essentially ran out of room. “The tempo of arrests was
relaxed: They had no more room at the jail,” said Logan,
who insists that about 415 students actually got
arrested during those intense days of protest. But 343
were jailed at the time Northwood Theatre owners finally
agreed to integrate. “In just six consecutive days,
Morgan students accomplished the victory that had
alluded them in eight years of periodic demonstrations,
through the use of civil disobedience and their mass
refusal to accept bail,” said Logan. “Logan, now as he
was then, has always been a civil rights worker at his
core,” said Bascom. But just months after the great
victory at Northwood, Logan and a phalanx of civil
rights soldiers would be focused on another major
battle: Gwynn Oak Amusement Park.
Source: “The Northwood Movement, Part 2,”
The Battle for Equal Access, pp. 20-22)
* *
* * *
Northwood protesting students released from jail.
* *
* * *
Desegregating the Business District of Downtown
Baltimore
“Demonstrations at
Morgan was like a rite of spring; they always cropped up
at the same time every year,” said Clarence Logan, who
was one of the most important soldiers and strategists
in Maryland’s civil rights battles. For several years,
he was the leader of the Civic Interest Group, which
played a major role in many of those battles, especially
Northwood. “Around the same time, we had student
government elections on campus and the candidates would
always pledge that they would desegregate. The students
would rally around that and they would go out and do
some things and go to Northwood. And they would stay
there for two or three months, and then, that was it
until the following year, usually,” recalled Logan. But
a sit-in demonstration by students from
North Carolina
A&T in Greensboro, N.C., in February 1960 would
interrupt the regular pattern of protest at Northwood.
The Greensboro
demonstrations have been acknowledged historically as
the first “sit-in” demonstrations in the country.
However, successful sit-in campaigns were conducted by
Morgan State College students years before Greensboro,
specifically at Read’s drugstore and lunch counter in
1955 and Arundel’s Ice Cream Parlor in 1959.The
Greensboro demonstrations, however, may have sparked a
subtle change in tactics and an overt change in
attitude. “After the Greensboro demonstration
took place, there was this tremendous upheaval on
Southern campuses. Everybody caught on and we had a
breakaway from the adult way of approaching
desegregation,” said Logan. “In other words, the
students were more confrontational. They didn’t wait.
They didn’t go with hat in hand. They said, ‘We demand
this,’” said Logan.
In March 1960, just
weeks after the Greensboro demonstrations, 200 to 300
students descended upon the Rooftop restaurant and the
theater at the Northwood Shopping Center, which led to
the arrest of four students charged with trespassing.
Those four arrests would set a precedent for future
charges filed to combat protests. The demonstrations at
Northwood in March 1960 triggered complaints from
management at the Hecht-May Co., which cited a 49
percent drop in business. That led to a court injunction
imposed by Judge Joseph Allen that limited protests to
two demonstrators at the Hecht-May department store, two
at the restaurant and two in the remaining shopping
area. “There was the question of, ‘What do we do?’ This
thing was a momentum killer,” said Logan. The answer
came from an interesting source. “Go downtown” was the
advice Furman Templeton, the executive director of the
Baltimore Urban League, gave to the Morgan student
leadership after the injunction was instituted.
The Urban League at
the time was an organization reputed to have a strong
relation-ship with Baltimore’s White business community.
And it was viewed as perhaps the least radical of the
civil rights organizations. But because of Templeton’s
ties to the White business community, some speculate he
may have had inside information indicating that success
in desegregating downtown was imminent. In fact, a year
earlier, Martin Kohn, the president of Hoshchild Kohn’s
department store met with the Maryland Commission on
Interracial Problems and Relations, and said, “All
decent people should be served.” Strangled by the
injunction on Northwood, and encouraged by the advice
provided by Templeton, CIG decided to move on the
down-town department stores. First on the list was
Hoshchild Kohn.
On March 26, 1960,
the plan was for dozens of demonstrators to mingle into
the downtown crowds instead of presenting a phalanx of
picketers. They entered the store in groups, but instead
of being met with resistance, they were met with menus.
“On the day they went down there, Hoshchild Kohn
anticipated them. When they walked in, they were greeted
at Hoshchild Kohn [and] they were given menus.
 |
On the 26th of
March, Hoshchild Kohn completely desegregated,” said
Logan, who remembered how the lack of resistance from
the department store caught the demonstrators totally
off guard. “It was not expected, and the students didn’t
have any money. It was sort of an embarrassing
situation, but they got together and scraped up enough
to order something,” added Logan. While CIG made the
breakthrough at Hoshchild Kohn, Albert Hutzler, the
owner of the jewel of the downtown department stores,
Hutzler’s, was on vacation.
Hutzler’s, at best,
had a dubious reputation as far as race relations were
concerned. But on April 16, upon his return from
vacation, Albert Hutzler immediately called a meeting of
his store managers. The next day he met with several
leaders of the movement, including Logan; Robert Watts,
the CIG attorney (Watts would later help found the first
major Black law firm in Baltimore and was the first
Black appointed to the Municipal Court); and Templeton.
According to Logan, before anyone could lobby him to
integrate his store, Hutzler said, “I made the decision
that we have to change our policy.” |
“Then he picked the
phone up and dialed Hecht-May Co. to inform Hecht’s that
he had made the decision. He did the same with Stewart’s
. . .’ If Hutzler’s is willing to serve, we will too.’
Hutzler’s was the flagship store,” said Logan.
Essentially, one
demonstration, meeting with noresistance, led the four
pillars of Baltimore’s down-town retail business
district to eradicate their Jim Crow policies, and it
created a domino effect. Between March 1960 and March
1961, 115 restaurants desegregated, mainly due to the
efforts of CIG. “The children changed their attitudes by
their approach. Not only did they desegregate, but they
changed the way they looked at things. That’s what
non-violence is all about. They found that racism isn’t
good business,” said Logan (“Going Downtown: Students
Take Protest to Heart of Racism in Baltimore,”
The Battle for Equal Access, pp.28-31).
* *
* * *
Civic Interest Group (1960-1963)
The Civic Interest Group (CIG) is
one of the main direct-action organizations active
in Baltimore, MD. Led by students from Morgan State,
CIG also includes activists from Coppin State
College, Black high school kids, and some white
students from Goucher College and Johns Hopkins
University.
Up the street from Morgan State
is the Northwood Shopping Center where eating and
entertainment facilities are segregated. Early in
March, CIG begins picketing and sit-ins at Hecht's
department store, Arundel's Ice Cream Parlor, and
the Northwood movie theater. Some protesters are
arrested. Within a short time the eating places
agree to serve everyone regardless of race, but the
theater continues to bar Blacks. Protests continue
at the cinema for years (see
Northwood Theatre — Baltimore for continuation).
The CIG students expand their
protests to the lunch counters and tea rooms of the
big downtown department stores which quickly agree
to desegregate. Other Baltimore lunch counters,
cafes, and restaurants, are more recalcitrant and
direct-action continues at those facilities.
In June, students are arrested
for sitting in at Hooper's Restaurant. After being
convicted of trespass, their case is appealed by
Thurgood Marshall
and Juanita Jackson
Mitchell of the NAACP. Five years later, in
1965, their convictions are overturned by the
Supreme Court.
Robert Mack Bell (16), the student
body president of Dunbar High School, is one of the
arrested students. He later graduates from Harvard
Law School, and in 1996 becomes the Chief Judge of
the Maryland Court of Appeals.— CRMVet
* *
* * *
* *
* * *
Northwood Theatre—Baltimore (Feb)
February 1963 marks the beginning
of the 4th year of direct-action assaults on
segregation since the first
Greensboro Sit-in in 1960. Across the South,
local campaigns carry on the struggle in communities
large and small. These efforts are rarely, if ever,
covered by the national media, but taken together
they are changing the face of society at the ground
level. One typical example is the fight to integrate
the Northwood movie theater in Baltimore.
Segregated movie theaters are
part of the "southern way of life." In many places
there are "white only" and "colored" cinemas, in
other places seating on the main floor is limited to
whites, while Blacks are restricted to the "Jim
Crow" balcony, often with a separate ticket booth
and entrance. While school integration sparks the
most intense resistance by segregationists, in many
communities their determination to maintain
segregation at recreation venues such as theaters,
swimming pools, and skating rinks is almost as
fierce. White racists are obsessed with inter-racial
sex—"miscegenation"—"race-mixing." The idea that
Black males might sit next to their white wives,
sisters, and daughters in a darkened movie house
stirs their deepest phobias in ways that
lunch-counter integration does not.
The Northwood theater is adjacent
to Morgan State, a Black college in Baltimore. The
area around the campus and theater is almost all
white, except for the Black campus. For three years
the student-led Civic Interest Group (CIG) has
demonstrated against the cinema's white-only policy.
In mid-February of 1963, they sharply escalate their
protests. While half a hundred students picket
outside, 25 enter the lobby to purchase tickets.
When they are denied admission, they refuse to leave
and are arrested for Trespass. Among them is Miss
Morgan State and other student leaders. Protests and
arrests continue. Within a week, close to 350
students (and a few professors) have been jailed.
Bail is set at $600 (equal to $3,800 in 2006
dollars), which few can pay.
Morgan student Julia
Davidson-Randall recalls:
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I was arrested along with about 300
people. ... When we were arrested,
everyone was crying and scared because
they had us in jail with the real
criminals. After we had been there a day
or two — we were there a total of four
days—by the second day everybody had
calmed down and we were interviewing the
inmates and asking them what they were
in for? My father came to visit. He
didn't have the money to get me out
because we were poor.1
|
Students at Howard University in
Washington mobilize to support the Morgan State
students.
Jean Wiley recalls:
|
I was in jail when the Howard group sent
word that they were on their way, en
masse. Suddenly, the mayor woke up and
thought, "Oh, we're not having this.
Clear all the jails out. Just get them
out. Forget procedure, just get them out
of there." And we got out. That was real
big, there's real, real power in
numbers.2
|
After a week of intense
direct-action the theater capitulates and ends its
white-only policy.— CRMvet
* *
* * *
What We Want
By Stokely Carmichael
A
Christian Goon Squad in Black Baltimore
Reverend Marion Bascom's Civil Righting
/
Chester Wickwire Desegregating Gwynn Oak Amusement Park
Roy Wilkins and Spiro Agnew in
Annapolis /
Agnew Speaks to Black
Baltimore Leaders 1968
* *
* * *
Walter Hall Lively
Forty Years of Determined Struggle
Putting
Baltimore's People First
Dominance of Johns Hopkins
A Brief Economic History of Modern Baltimore
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Here lies Jim Crow: Civil rights in Maryland
By C. Fraser Smith
Though he lived throughout much of the South—and even worked his way into parts of the North for a time—Jim Crow was conceived and buried in Maryland. From Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney's infamous decision in the Dred Scott case to Thurgood Marshall's eloquent and effective work on Brown v. Board of Education, the battle for black equality is very much the story of Free State women and men. Here, Baltimore Sun columnist C. Fraser Smith recounts that tale through the stories, words, and deeds of famous, infamous, and little-known Marylanders. He traces the roots of Jim Crow laws from Dred Scott to Plessy v. Ferguson and describes the parallel and opposite early efforts of those who struggled to establish freedom and basic rights for African Americans.
Following the historical trail of evidence, Smith relates latter-day examples of Maryland residents who trod those same steps, from the thrice-failed attempt to deny black people the vote in the early twentieth century to nascent demonstrations for open access to lunch counters, movie theaters, stores, golf courses, and other public and private institutions—struggles that occurred decades before the now-celebrated historical figures strode onto the national civil rights scene. Smith's lively account includes the grand themes and the state's major players in the movement—Frederick Douglass, Harriett Tubman, Thurgood Marshall, and Lillie May Jackson, among others.—and also tells the story of the struggle via several of Maryland's important but relatively unknown men and women—such as Gloria Richardson, John Prentiss Poe, William L. "Little Willie" Adams, and Walter Sondheim—who prepared Jim Crow's grave and waited for the nation to deliver the body.—Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008 |
|
* *
* * *
 |
The End of Anger
A New Generation's Take on Race and Rage
By Ellis Cose
From a venerated and bestselling voice
on American life comes a contemporary
look at the decline of black rage; the
demise of white guilt; and the
intergenerational shifts in how blacks
and whites view, and interact with, each
other. In the heady aftermath of
President Obama's election, conventional
wisdom suggested that the bitter, angry,
and destructive elements of
discrimination were ebbing at last and
America was becoming a postracial
nation. . . . Weaving material from
myriad interviews as well as two large
and ambitious surveys that he
conducted—one of black Harvard MBAs and
the other of graduates of A Better
Chance, a program offering elite
educational opportunities to thousands
of young people of color since 1963—Cose
offers an invaluable portrait of
contemporary America that attempts to
make sense of what a people do when the
dream, for some, is finally within reach
as one historical era ends and another
begins.—Ecco, 2011
|
* *
* * *
Obama and
Black Americans: the Paradox of Hope—By Gary
Younge—But for all the ways black America has felt
better about itself and looked better to others, it
has not actually fared better. In fact, it has been
doing worse. The economic gap between black and
white has grown since Obama took power. Under his
tenure black unemployment, poverty and foreclosures
are at their highest levels for at least a decade.
Millions of
black kids may well aspire to the presidency now
that a black man is in the White House. But such a
trajectory is less likely for them now than it was
under Bush. Herein lies what is at best a paradox
and at worst a contradiction within Obama’s core
base of support. The very group most likely to
support him—black Americans—is the same group that
is doing worse under him.—TheNation
* *
* * *
The White Masters of the
World
From
The World and Africa, 1965
By W. E. B. Du Bois
W. E. B. Du Bois’
Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization
(Fletcher)
* *
* * *
Ancient African Nations
* * * * *
If you like this page consider making a donation
* * * * *
Negro Digest /
Black World
Browse all issues
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1960
1965
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Enjoy!
* * * * *
The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan
/
The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll
/
Only a Pawn in Their Game
Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for
Slavery
* *
* * *
The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg
The
Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804
/
January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of
Haiti
* * * * *
* *
* * *
posted 14 June 2011
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