|
Mental Notes Toward a Thesis: Before I
begin in earnest, with a thesis and everything, let me just say,
the idea of a thesis is very strange to me: isn’t it to you,
too? Doesn’t positing a conclusion at the very outset of
one’s exploration seem more like a statement of belief, or
prophecy, than a hypothesis? I prefer to think of critical
essays as scientific and exploratory, personally, so I dislike
theses.
That said: the critical divergence between
these two satires,
The Cotillion
and
Hunting in Harlem,
arises from the different ethical-political viewpoints wherefrom
they approach black Harlem. The former is infused with the
righteous convictions of the Black Arts Movement and its moral
calculus (by which I mean that lucid distinction between what is
deemed right versus what is deemed wrong which powers all great
satire) glorifies the modish afrocentricity of the 60’s.
By contrast, the latter satire is not nearly
as funny because its calculus is a troubled, unstable one:
written at a later point in history, it finds the affirmation of
Afro-American pride an insufficient philosophy in view of the
urban chaos which characterizes the city. The ridicule is sent
in all directions, at all philosophies and agendas; affirmations
are nil, the conclusion nihilism. The drastic difference between
these two books indicates the disillusionment and deeper honesty
that has entered the urban (black) intelligentsia between 1968,
when John Killens published his funny book, and 2003, when Mat
Johnson published his.
The Cotillion:
The Cotillion,
Alexs Pate writes in his introduction to the new Coffee House
Press edition of the novel, “was written for the black reader
of the Black Power era” (Pate, The Cotillion, XI). As
such, the material herein might seem dated, relegated to the
year, 1968, in which it was written. Pate goes on to write that
Killens “was at the forefront of delineating the details of
what it meant to be a black writer in the Black Arts Movement”
(XIII).
To support this view of Killens, Pate quotes
the novelist’s scholarly work at length, referencing passages
in which Killens self-consciously sets out to explicate the
exactly what a black writer, and for that matter, a black person
is in 1960’s-era America. Killens status not only as acclaimed
novelist but founder of the Harlem Writer’s Guild and
representative spokesperson for the Black Arts Movement more
generally means that his novels not only partake of Black Power
ideas and ideals, but are, in a sense, intellectual manifestos
of the Movement. The only way, then, to read
The Cotillion
is as a time-bound document, one shrouded, as Pate rightly
observes, in “contemporary obscurity,” articulate only in a
language “that has no political currency in our…age” (XV).
When Killens published his grand satire, the
movement most certainly had not moved on, as Mat Johnson writes
in his Harlem satire some thirty-five years later (Johnson, 6);
it was a current reality. Pate claims for it significance as
“one of the few glimpses of the transformational power of
resurgent black consciousness rendered in fiction” (X).
The Cotillion, therefore, must be read as if in the midst of
that resurgence, in the present tense in which its narrator
tells it to us: in other words, it’s 1968.
1968:
"My name is Ben Ali Lumumba,” Lumumba
declares at the novel’s outset, “and I’m free, Black and
twenty-three” (Killens,
The Cotillion
, Foreword).
He is playing on the phrase which, as I
remember it, goes "I’m free, young and twenty-one,"
which generally goes unuttered by young black militants,
reserved instead for social climbers. This is the first of many
rhetorical challenges that Lumumba, as the novel’s narrator,
will lob at society’s status quo, which he and the book assume
to be white, well-off and politically white supremacist. Lumumba
is a writer determined to write his memoirs about his time at
sea, where he had gone at the age of seventeen to escape the
Vietnam War.
(“I wandered… carousing, reading,
brawling, learning, looking, drinking, fornicating from Tashkent
to Johannesburg…” [Foreword].)
But his initial forays into the literary
world, he writes, have been less than inspiring:
|
[A]nd like I went one of them
downtown white workshops for a couple of months and got
all screwed up with angles of narration, points of view,
objectivity, universality, composition,
author-intrusion, sentence structure, syntax, first
person, second person… I said, to hell with all that!
I’m the first, second and third person my own damn
self… I was uptight with the craft shit. Can you dig
it?
I decided to write my book in Afro-Americanese.
Black rhythm, baby. Yeah, we got rhythm, brothers,
sisters. Black idiom, Black nuances, Black style.”
(Foreword). |
Lumumba’s tangent, besides being a glorious
declaration of authorial intent, also suggests the assumptions
on which his ideas are based. First, that white and black are
more than mere racial designations, that they are moreover class
and cultural affiliations determining the way one writes,
one’s idiom, rhythm, style and location within the city.
Hence, the “white” creative writing
workshops are situated “downtown,” presumably in the middle
of Manhattan, whereas Lumumba signs his Foreword, “BEN ALI
LUMUMBA, son of, Harlem, U.S.A. (Foreword).” Thus, the black
writer lives in Harlem, out on the furthest edge of the island,
while the white people and their white concepts live elsewhere.
Those white-coded concepts are dismissed as hopelessly
formalized and stale, irrelevant to Lumumba’s literary ends:
in place of the conventional academic jargon of the creative
writing classroom, Lumumba pledges to write in “Afro-Americanese
… Black idiom, Black nuances, Black style.”
Thus, the ideological basis for the book is
set down in the prelude that leads to it: that which is white is
oppressive and out-of-date, that which is black is enlivening,
artistic. Lumumba’s clarity of vision will allow for the
blistering satire against white and white-identified
institutions that The Cotillion contains.
Lumumba concludes his Foreword by informing
the reader that the story will not be about him, but actually a
beautiful young woman named Yoruba. Yoruba is introduced and
quickly marked as the book’s heroine: “Pure, beautiful,
untampered-by-the-white-man, Yoruba. Black and princessely,
Yoruba” (1). Again, that which is good—“princessely,”
in this case—is
identified as black and any trace of whiteness is denounced as
impurity.
Thus, to be “[p]ure,” by Lumumba’s
rhetorical logic, is to be “untampered-by-the-white-man.”
Obviously, this color-based system of valuation reverses the
traditional symbol system imposed on back writers by the
Eurocentric literary canon; the race-based rhetoric of Othello,
in which blackness represents deceit and evil, while whiteness
confers goodness is no more in Lumumba’s book. Still, the
earlier rhetorical scheme reminds one of this newer one because
they are as inherently similar, in that they impose a
black-white dichotomy, as they are superficially different.
Anyway, the first chapter essentially
functions as Yoruba’s introduction to the reader: it evens
opens with a free-form introductory ode to her:
| Hey!
CALL HER YORUBA, RIGHT?
High Priestess of the Nation!
You ready for that?
Negritude? Okay?
African queen!
Black and comely was this Harlem princess.
Yoruba, her father named her (1). |
Actually, her full name, Yoruba Evelyn Lovejoy, is compound
of her father and mother’s wishes. Her father Matt Lovejoy
named her ‘Yoruba,’ more symbolic of his “wondrously angry
and terribly frustrated nationalism” than any black
nationalist sentiment on her part; her mother added ‘Evelyn’,
“like the woman made from Adam’s ribs,” Lumumba glosses,
“and like Christmas Eve and the night before the New Year”
(1).
Thus, her name foreshadows the principal question of the
book, which is whether the girl will choose the clenched
militancy of her father and of Lumumba, to which she is partly
heir, or the colonial mentality epitomized by her mother, Lady
Daphne. “How do you tell your mother you don’t want to be a
lady?” Yoruba wonders. “That you would rather be a good
Black woman?” (46).
This is the melodramatic either-or conflict between
black-identified and white-identified systems that she is faced
with and the axis on which all the action spins. Obviously,
Yoruba favors being a good girl for her race rather than a
proper lady: to that end, she falls in love with Lumumba and
they go to Harlem’s Grand Cotillion sporting matching afros.
The black bourgeoisie is, thus, mocked and then won over to
the side of the nationalists. But the eurocentric side of things
has its say along the way and provides formidable opposition,
mainly in the person of Yoruba’s mother, Lady Daphne, who
epitomizes the colonial mindset.
Lady Daph’: Lady Daphne Braithwaite Lovejoy is the
zealous defender of all things British, as she is a black lady
from Barbados. She idealizes the United Kingdom and sees herself
as a rightful heir to its glory, such as it is. “Daphne’s
father was a Scotchman,” Lumumba informs, “with eleven Black
concubines, one of whom was Daphne’s lucky mother. Right?
You’ve heard of black Irish? Would you believe—Black
Scotchmen?” (37-38). Instead of seeing him as a colonial
rapist, which is no doubt how her militant husband would cast
him, Daphne thinks of Angus Braithwaite as “a gentleman for
true” (39).
Of the Lady, Lumumba later laments, she “lack[s] a sense of
humor, which should have been her heritage as a colored woman”
(113). While this disqualifies her as a character in a serious
drama about black folk, it makes her a perfect foil for
Lumumba’s satire. Since examples of Daphne’s comic greatness
are so numerous, at this point it may be most useful to simply
quote a cross-section of statements and expository passages
regarding her:
|
Daphne was a slender woman, almost thin,
who ate like seven lean years of drought and famine were
just around the corner. And food was going swiftly out
of style, decidedly. The dear one ate only one meal a
day, continuously all day long… (39-40).
Daphne was the kind of proud Caribbean beauty who
loftily cherished her British heritage. The only songs
that really made her heart leap wildly and warmly wet
her eyes were ‘God Save the Queen’ and ‘Rule
Britannia’; and as long as Brittania ruled the waves,
though, when challenged by Matthew, Daphne never
remembered when Brittania ruled the waves…
nevertheless—she was comfortably confident that
Britons never would be slaves (40).
‘…And I truly would have been living the life.
Down there [in Barbados] my folks had a staff of
servants waiting on them hand and foot. I had my own
private maid, my dears, but I was such a spoiled one,
and I wanted to see how the other half lived. That’s
why I came to America’ (46-47).
‘The nation is working for an integrated society,
and our church is a shiny example. The dear Vicar is
giving up his entire career as a white man, just to give
us an integrated experience’ (36). |
Though my method might be a bit unconventional, I hope these
excerpts from Chapter 3 of
The Cotillion
,
“Daphne,” illumine Daphne’s peculiar character. She is the
most one-dimensional character in the novel and thus the most
susceptible to satire. Her utter identification with the United
Kingdom and with her scoundrel Scottish father and all things
associated with whiteness makes her an apt character for
ridicule in a book written from the perspective of a Black Power
spokesperson. (And here I refer not only to Lumumba but Killens
as well, since he founded the Harlem Writer’s Guild and was a
leading voice in the Black Arts Movement.)
Parsing the quotes, first, Daphne’s identification with
white mores is cast in physical terms: if whiteness is sterile,
ineffectual and unalive, then its acolytes must be skinny,
underfed breathing corpses. Hence, she eats one meal
continuously, all day (40). This reverse stereotyping lives on
in today’s disseminated images of super-thin white
supermodels, who may never eat, let alone fuck, versus the
big-butt black girls exalted in hip-hop and Essence.
The second quote casts Daphne’s white-love in historical
and cultural terms. Her favorite songs are ‘God Save the
Queen’ and ‘Rule Brittania.’ Her understanding of history,
while inexact, elevates Britons inarguably above blacks because
Britons never were slaves. The underlying idea here is her shame
at her black heritage of enslavement and powerlessness and her
need to join up with the winning side.
In the third quote, she idealizes life in Barbados as a
pampered half-white girl: the servants who must wait on her
“hand and foot” (46) because they are black are ignored
functionaries in her nostalgic scheme. The point, as far as Daph’
sees it, is that it is good to be spoiled and, therefore, life
in Barbados was great for her.
In the last quote, she argues for the white Vicar at her
family’s church; he is, presumably, doing Harlem a service by
integrating his whiteness into their hopelessly black milieu.
That Daphne idealizes whiteness and despises blackness is
obvious enough; more interesting are the desperate devices by
which she tries to deal with the fact of her blackness and the
fact of her daughter’s blackness. She knows she lives in the
Negro section of apartheid America, so she attempts to alter her
given space with as many white conventions as possible.
In The Cotillion, all Daphne’s biased desires
coalesce under the banner of the Grand Cotillion that she wants
desperately for her daughter to join. It seems, to me, that the
Harlem Cotillion functions in the novel as a last ludicrous
vestige of the colonial white power structure. It is the closest
thing to Daphne’s nostalgic memory of Barbados. As such, the
progressive blacks within Harlem despise the Cotillion, and
those such as Daphne, who associate black America with
everything downtrodden and horrid (“…I wanted to see how the
other half lived. That’s why I came to America”) cling to it
all the more strongly.
Anyway, to understand Lady Daphne more fully, one must
understand her cherished Cotillion, so:
The Cotillion: This book is in many ways a
comedy of manners, bad manners, more precisely. The analysis of
Harlem’s Cotillion begins with Chapter 5, “First
Instructions on the Rites of Ladyship.”
An early scene suggests many of the themes that run
throughout this scathing critique on the institutionalized
beauty pageant. As the socialites of Harlem coo over their
church’s sweetly ringing chimes, one Mr. Patterson holds a
dissident sentiment.
|
Especially did he not appreciate those
heavenly chimes at six o’clock of a Saturday morning
when he had just gotten to bed at five a.m. and was in
that land beyond the river known as Hangoverville (68). |
Mr. Patterson, despite being a member of the black
bourgeoisie, is immediately situated as a less-than-noble
figure: his social station and his carousing behavior do not
seem to correspond. To borrow a line from later in the book that
refers to a similar character, “He was of the high and Black
society. He could not possibly be as uncouth as he obviously
was” (221).
“[Mr. Patterson] got painfully out of bed,” the passage
continues, “his wife beside him gone for a time into the land
of sweet oblivion, snoring gently like a hog calling expert…
He stumbled around the room (bang! bang! boom! boom!), cursing
softly to himself the goddamn motherfucking chimes, the
cocksucking preacher, the church, some religions, all
religions” (69).
Here, the church and, in fact, religious faith generally, is
denounced by Mr. Patterson. He cannot stand the chimes, a local
quibble, perhaps. But the larger problem of maintaining an
artifice of virtue via institutions such as church and Cotillion
while the unholy world still holds sway is suggested in the
man’s discontent.
Further on, he dreams of recruiting the street gangs, “pay
them to blow up the goddamn church, chimes and all.” And
finally he “[p]uts the ladder up against the church and starts
up the ladder with his cocktails a la Molotov and a pocketful of
matches. And a lighted cigar in his mouth. Sweating, cursing,
stoned for days… Halfway up the ladder, he is accosted by two
policemen, friends of his, who bring him laughingly home…
calling God and the Devil’s choicest damnations down upon the
church, the chimes, the police, people in general, Black folks
in particular” (70).
This sally into terrorism by one of the Negro community’s
leading men highlights many points of hypocrisy: first, the
obvious charade that is his status as a gentleman. Second, the
maintenance of that charade by his circles of “friends,” in
this case the policemen who will not reprimand his psychotic
behavior. Third, the people in general and black folks
particularly who let church chimes ring at all hours to layer
over the obscene world with what finally amounts to symbolic
gestures of piety. Mr. Patterson’s anecdote exposes this
upper-crust community as hypocritical in that its members are as
low, down and dirty as anyone else, except that they commit the
crime of denying it.
High black society’s real crime in
The Cotillion
is,
of course, the denial of their rightful heritage as black
Americans. As she is initiated into the rites of ladyship by the
Cotillion supervisors, Yoruba notes that they prefer to refer to
their predecessors’ “previous condition of servitude”
(73). Her cosmetologist teaches she and the other girls “How
to curtsey, how to sip their tea, and all the other white
cultured graces. Likewise how to walk, again” (105).
She is compelled to pick her date for the Cotillion ball from
a pre-arranged list of deserving black lads from “superior
family background, first family and all that, second-generation
Brooklyn at the very least; doctor’s, lawyer’s, preacher’s
son… [who] must be suave, urbane, presentable, must have a
good reputation, regardless of his character” (124).
Parsing these quotes: first, the Cotillion madams who refuse
to even utter the word slavery, replacing it instead with the
euphemism servitude (73), I read as a denial that that period
was any worse than an Englishmen’s seven-year indenture in
America.
The efforts made at teaching the girls the “white cultured
graces” such as sipping tea (105) are, again, a denial of
black culture and its peculiar graces, which the girls grew up
with and can consequently only unlearn. In the logic of
Lumumba’s satire, white culture is the completely negative and
undesirable opposite of black culture.
Finally, the insistence that Yoruba bring an heir of the high
society to the Cotillion as her date (124) denies that any but
the most financially fortunate black boys have anything to offer
her or the Cotillion. A black boy without a big billfold is
simply a black boy, and, apparently, something is undesirable in
that. Worse than simple elitism, these class prejudices suggest
race prejudices and a self-hatred on the part of the black upper
class.
When Yoruba falls in love with Lumumba and determines to take
him to the ball, Lady Daphne musters all her elitism and
race-hatred. “He’s a wort’less black woolly-head nigger,
and I should have got me a pistol and blowed his brains out when
he was seven or eight years old the first time I saw him
grinning in your face” (132).
It is a statement that hardly needs parsing: as blunt as
possible, Daphne is saying that she would love to exterminate
all signs of blackness threatening to contaminate her family.
What she imagines herself and her daughter to be if they are not
black is harder to define. Lumumba tells Yoruba that “the
white establishment is one thing, your mother is a different
establishment altogether” (183). I think the
“establishment” Lady Daphne represents is one denying
blackness, seeking out whiteness and ending up confused
somewhere in between: she is an archetypal representation of the
self-hating black bourgeois.
While she admires and imitates white establishment values,
because she is black she necessarily reinterprets these
oft-times sick values. What among white people is simple racism,
becomes in Cotillion circles self-hatred, what otherwise would
only be elitism, here becomes the denial of one’s heritage and
a need to erase or revise one’s history. Therefore, blacks
might have been servants but certainly not slaves.
The Cotillion
relentlessly satirizes this culture,
setting it up as a kind of apex, or nadir, of lies and denial.
Against that untruth stands Lumumba, Ben Ali, the novel’s hero
and author’s surrogate narrator. He represents the
articulation of the Black Power ethos that figures as the sole
antidote to a sick culture. If Lady Daphne is paragon of the
Negro’s hateful, recalcitrant past, Lumumba represents a
hopeful future for the race.
Ben Ali: Ben Ali Lumumba begins the book by disclosing
that his is a “[G]iven name. Dig. The name I gave myself”
(Foreword). The name his parents gave him is actually Ernest
Billings and it is revealed in the course of the story that he
and Yoruba were neighbors as small schoolchildren in Brooklyn:
“I used to live right on this street right up the block—a
million years ago” (64). This little detail of origin is
important because it suggests the basic dilemma in Lumumba’s
personality: does he identify as an unallied traveler of the
world and explorer of cultures, or is he, more simply, a black
American?
| [Yoruba] said, ‘Where are you from?’
He said, ‘Especially from all over.’ (63) |
At first, Lumumba seems to choose the mask of worldliness: in
the Foreword to the book, he boasts not only of traveling the
world wide, but also of having sex with women of all ethnic
descriptions, spreading his seed far and wide. Further on, there
are more extravagant claims to this effect:
|
In love passionately, entirely, all
the way, to the Phillipines and back, by way of
Timbuktu. In love, oh my yes, and with no holds
barred… from Hong Kong to Honolulu. All colors and
denominations. He did not discriminate (77). |
Lumumba is so infatuated with his persona as world-traveler
that he has even embarked upon writing a book called From
Harlem All the Way to Timbuktu, which, in its description,
would seem to be a sort of glorified travelogue for
African-Americans; that is, a species of escapist literature.
Escapism, in this context, refers to the avoidance of or
inability to confront the pressing issues at hand. Instead, one
runs away to far off lands, or at least reads about someone else
who already has.
If Ben Ali follows this literary path then he has simply
traded on a false brand of black-African-jive to further his own
ends. The judgment accorded the various fake black militants
that pass throughout the book would have to apply to him as
well:
|
[T]hugs and hoodlums who had skimmed
through a few books and memorized a few catch phrases,
bought a few dashikis, put their do-rags in hiding for a
season. . . . and gone into the business of Black
Nationalism. They saw the Movement as a hustle, and a
mighty fine one. But they were not the Movement. Not
even were they of the Movement. They had been
pimps before and were still pimps (61). |
The italics are my own: they highlight the complete impasse
that the moral logic of the book sets between those inside and
those outside the Black Power Movement. Those who cannot or
choose not to claim allegiance might as well have generated from
an alien species, for they are not even “of the Movement.”
Therefore, one of the crucial moral questions of the book
becomes who Ben Ali Lumumba actually is and what kind of writer
he will become.
These dilemmas have a moral clarity, a right versus wrong
simplicity that is only possible in a universe understood
through ideology. In
Hunting in Harlem the Black Power
ideology on which all things in The Cotillion are judged
has broken down and the moral-ethical dilemmas are less easily
understood.
For a time, Lumumba plays a kind of Invisible Man role in the
book, denying any kind of affiliation whatsoever and even going
so far as to call himself “a phony” (155). But eventually he
becomes identified with a kind of pure black militancy that
cares little for style (“The cause was not hair or beard or
dashiki” [156]), replacing that falsity with a more
substantive ideal:
|
‘There’s a half a dozen
soothsayers to the block in Harlem… I ain’t no
soothsayer either, cause I don’t know no sooth. I’m
just a cat who’s trying to get his thing together. So
when I do say something, it will have some small
significance for Black People’ (159). |
What Lumumba ends up ‘saying’ is, of course, the book
which he ends up writing: that work is not the escapist
travelogue From Harlem All the Way to Timbuktu, but a
powerfully committed satire, The Cotillion.
As Lumumba and Yoruba commit themselves to the Movement, the
satire only gains momentum because now the battle lines have
been firmly drawn. They attend several preliminary Cotillion
functions; then, in Chapter 11 “The Really Real Thing”, they
go to the downtown white Cotillion ball. Here, the “beaucoup
ambivalent” nature of the “cream of the crap”—quotes
courtesy of Lumumba (195, 190)— is on full display. Rich white
kids get wildly drunk and high and begin to proposition Yoruba
and proposition each other and proposition Lumumba, without
respect to race, gender or any other conventional boundary.
Sex of all descriptions is perpetrated on the dance floor, in
the dining halls and doorways and bathrooms. There comes a kind
of culminate scene in which Lumumba happens on “a four-eye
rosy cheeked dude who had been giving Yoruba and him such a bad
time. . . . Apparently he had forgotten his gender and had sat
down to make water [and] had somehow managed to get his cutest
little fellow caught between the toilet seat and the commode.”
He begs Lumumba for help, professes to be a “member of the
Urban League, the N-double-A-C-P, the CORE, Snickers,
Panthers…”
But instead of heeding his pleas, Lumumba smashes the toilet
seat on his penis—“The poor rich white dude’s rosy cheeks
lost color as he fainted clean away. Shouting ‘Nigger! Nigger!
Nigger!’ Even after he lost consciousness, from deep in his
unconscious, he kept mumbling ‘Nigger! Nigger! Nigger!’”
(197).
It is instructive to analyze all this: the ambivalence of the
white kids is ridiculed and given a sexual connotation when the
whiteboy attempts to “make water” in the women’s lavatory.
By contrast, the ideological certainty that Lumumba has come
to—essentially, that black is good and white is bad—
functions as justification enough for him to assault the poor
dude’s penis instead of helping him. In this hilariously
vicious version of race war, Lumumba is the ultimate black man
and thus the ultimate hero.
(His greatness is not only intellectual but encompasses body
as well as mind and in the last scene when he and Yoruba come to
the Harlem Cotillion in dashikis and afros, she thinks “He was
so handsome in his African robe, he actually looked edible”
[231]. In academic language, this would count as ideology
expressed via culinary terms).
Moreover, the fact that the whiteboy whom Lumumba abuses
manages to continue screaming “Nigger!” even after he is
unconscious, “from deep in his unconscious” suggests that
even in their most innocent and unguarded moments whites still
harbor hatred toward blacks. Thus, there is no common ground
between the sides and conflict is inevitable.
As such, the satire that
The Cotillion
directs at
white and white-identified folks can be seen as a sort of
language-weapon. John Killens, Alexs Pate writes, “used
language as a weapon” (XIII). This book stands as evidence of
that intent. Though the novel ends with the hero and heroine
dressed in African garb at the Harlem Cotillion, it is this
scene in the bathroom that most ruthlessly brings home the
message of the book.
There is really nothing else to say about
The Cotillion
that isn’t obvious by now. It has a design upon its readers.
It is as propagandistic as any pamphlet. It uses its humor in
the most righteously, viciously, deeply committed manner
possible. It is impossible that such a book could have been
written in 1948 or 1998; it is completely, solely of 1968 and
the unique ideology of that moment, evidence of the former
currency of that ideology.
Hunting in Harlem
In
Hunting in Harlem, the 1960’s heyday of Black
Power ideology is summoned forth and effectively dismissed
within the novel’s first few pages. The main character,
Snowden, remembers his father as “a man who wasted his life
raising banners no one wanted to read, following his conscience
wherever it led him—even though that was usually jail”
(Johnson, 6).
|
. . . the bullhorned speeches in
Fairmount Park and the crowd that yelled in response to
them, so much food that casserole bowls sat on seats
while people stood balancing paper plates in their
hands. By his last release from a federal penitentiary
twelve years later, the reception had been reduced to a
bucket of drive-through chicken and Snowden’s uncle in
the front seat saying, "It’s 1983 and nobody
gives a damn about that shit no more, so just shut up
and stop hogging all the white meat" (6). |
The deterioration of Snowden’s father and this small
Philadelphia branch of the Black Power Movement is given as an
example in microcosm of the criminality, apathy, and
increasingly useless rhetoric that beset the Movement as a whole
in the 70’s and led to its complete demise. Snowden’s father
is reminiscent of Black Panther militants such as Huey Newton
and David Hilliard who found themselves more often the object of
criminal prosecution than any meaningful social progress. The
unread banners and bullhorn speeches that Snowden remembers his
father issuing in Fairmount Park are direct ringers for that
explosive rhetoric released from any political function or
practical effect that the Panthers specialized in.
Snowden’s uncle’s comment that “‘It’s 1983 and
nobody gives a damn about that shit no more’”(6) is only a
harsher, funnier way of saying that the Black Power Movement was
a passing moment in history and only its ideologues still find
relevance in its outdated aspirations. The whole thrust of this
anecdote, with which the book opens, is to suggest exactly this
disillusionment with the loud dogmas of the past. By the bottom
of page 6, the reader learns that Snowden himself kills his
father in a fit of disillusioned rage, though, by then “there
really wasn’t much left of the man that hadn’t already died
anyway” (6). Thus, Mat Johnson’s book swiftly rounds out the
life of the Ben Ali Lumumba figure so triumphant in
The Cotillion: he expires along with his one love, the Movement,
and is quickly forgotten. The book moves on.
Cyrus Marks:
It is instructive to note the difference between Killens’
heroic race-man, Ben Ali Lumumba, and Johnson’s rather
troubling update of that character type, Cyrus Marks. Marks is a
Harlem Congressman and the founder of Horizon Realty, a
real-estate group mandated, by Marks, of course, to restore
Harlem’s squalid tenements to middle-class brownstones.
“Harlem was a ghetto” (9), Johnson notes, but it was
“perhaps the most romanticized ghetto in the world,” so it
is crucial to Marks that Harlem be a symbol of black progress
and empowerment.
To that end, he has hired a team of Philadelphia and Chicago
ex-cons to do the manual labor required to actually rebuild the
tenements, despite, Johnson dryly notes, "the contradiction
that there was no reason to import cheap labor to Harlem"
(57). This includes patricidal Snowden, as well as Bobby Finley
and Horus Manley, who compete against each other throughout the
book for a promotion within Horizon’s ranks.
Marks sees the men as symbolic of the renaissance of the city
itself: he is passionate in this vision of civic rebirth. “
‘Harlem is more than a place,’” he proclaims, “
‘it’s a symbol. It’s our Mecca, it’s our Jerusalem, the
historic cradle of our culture…’” (15).
To an extent, Marks sounds a lot like Ben Ali Lumumba when
Lumumba breaks into his long soliloquies on the beauty of
blackness, etc. But, in this book, idealistic rhetoric is
interpreted not as heroic, but as insane: Snowden listens to
Marks’ introductory speech and seems to decide that the man is
rabid: “ ‘Harlem is ours!’ Marks yelled, spittle shooting
forward, tears dripping straight down” (15). Perhaps Ben Ali,
too, soliloquized with froth spilling out his mouth, but Yoruba
never noticed it. In any case, Cyrus Marks is decidedly less
cool and less in-control of himself and his surroundings than
the Black Power people of The Cotillion.
Marks' dream is an updated version of the goals of the Black
Power Movement. Disdaining the poetical propaganda of those
by-gone days, Marks, Lester Baines and the rest of Horizon
Realty favor a progressive plan of economic action: by
converting Harlem's worst tenements into brownstones for the
young and upwardly mobile, they feel that they are creating a
practical economic foundation for the furtherance of black
Harlem. By replacing the old tenants dependent on welfare and
general relief with those young black professionals, they feel
they are maintaining the racial solidarity of the ghetto while
at the same time bringing back that class of blacks who left for
the suburbs and took with them their middle- and working-class
values.
Unlike Lumumba and Yoruba and Matthew Lovejoy, Marks believes
that white racism is essentially irrelevant to black success;
black people, in his view, are causing their own problems in
2003 and therefore they must create their own solutions
in-house, as it were, without recourse to diatribes on
victimization.
|
We were raised [in the 60's] to fight
white oppression, and guess what? We won! Not every
battle, but that war is basically over, as we knew it.
Nowadays, black folks' biggest problem isn't white
racism, it's ourselves. White people aren't breaking
into our homes, attacking us on the streets, or selling
drugs to our children. . . . Harlem doesn't need another
mural or community center, another law or bill, we need
new blood, new ideas to fight new enemies. That's why
you're here. This is your destiny. This is our last
stand (121). |
That the "war" against white oppression has
effectively been decided is the assumption upon which Marks
bases his philosophy. Accepting this as fact allows him the
rhetorical leverage to claim that black people are their own
worst "enemies" and that re-vitalization of black
neighborhoods as the principle means by which the race can
improve its desperate situation. I, personally, agree that white
people are not the greatest of black people's worries. It is a
basic reality in life that we are always our own severest
challenge.
Therefore, Marks is correct in saying that "black folks'
biggest problem [is] ourselves." But his rhetoric is still
problematic on many fronts. First of all, he runs the risk of
making out of a complex race a monolith. Black people are not,
of course, a single community. Therefore, they have no single
"destiny" or "stand" to make. Viewing Harlem
as anything more than a city among millions of cities in the
world is an embellishment rooted in poetry and loose logic. It
allows Marks the rhetorical leverage to take his fever-dream a
step further so that he begins to use a romantic vocabulary of
war and embattled conquest.
During segregation, he implies, blacks fought a
"war" against white oppression. Now, he indicates,
they have a new battle to fight. They have "new
enemies." Those enemies, so-called, are now their fellow
black people, in this case the impoverished old denizens of
Harlem. Violent rhetoric leads to violent action, and when life
is misconstrued in romantic terms, death too becomes
misconstrued in just the same fashion.
Thus it is that Marks and Lester Baines have devised a
speedier solution to Harlem's woes than gentrification could
ever bring: they are killing off the criminals and welfare cases
to clear space for the incoming young professionals. In the
final phase of their plan, they subtly disappear the
neighborhood drug czar by "[s]hov[ing] a pound of C4
explosives against the adjoining living room wall, walk through
the burning hole, and shoot everything living" (231).
Snowden discovers their brute method of neighborhood takeover
when he is given an assignment to clear out the rooms of all the
people who die in Harlem every week and realizes that the dead
make up an alarmingly high figure. After a few uncalculated
machinations, he realizes the truth. "[S]ocial
gardening": Lester explains, and rationalizes, their method
(118).
Indeed, it is this idea, that to kill the undesirables is a
form of local beautification, that allows the men the
ideological leverage to carry out their economic cleansing.
Cyrus Marks tells Snowden that "almost all drastic social
improvement is the result of moments of inhumanity. It was the
staunch disregard for the humanity of blacks and Indians that
made America the great nation it is today" (121).
At this point,
Hunting in Harlem becomes a more
complex, if less funny, satire than is The Cotillion.
Where in Killens' book, problems arise from sex, money and other
people's racism (9), here in the current-day satire of Mat
Johnson, problems arise from all over but are resolved
internally.
Thus, Marks willingly, consciously takes on the persona of
his historical oppressors—those
who disregarded the humanity of blacks and Amerindians—and
argues that it is now his duty to be similarly inhumane. The
book, essentially, becomes a satire on how radical ideology
replaces ethical judgment with moral rhetoric. Cyrus Marks
claims to do good and therefore would have Snowden disregard the
evidence of his eyes and believe what he is told.
Perhaps more compellingly, Lester threatens to kill an
abusive father right in front of Snowden, saying, "Our
people can't afford another generation of males raised by wolves
to drag us down" (114). Then Lester kills the abusive man,
whose name is Baron Anderson. I cannot argue that the child
deserved a better parent than the forementioned wolf, Mr.
Anderson; certainly, Baron Anderson deserved to lose custody of
his son. However, upon his father's death, the boy is
immediately turned over to Horizon's Youth Development Program,
founded and controlled by one Cyrus Marks. The child's old
father was an abuser, but his new one is a killer-by-proxy. He
seems to have incurred the worser of two evils.
Evil: The evil that ideologies sponsor is the dominant
theme of
Hunting in Harlem. Whereas in the Killens book,
ideological commitment released from the slightest ambivalence
is portrayed as virtuous, in Johnson ideology functions as a
malignant strain of insanity. After he uncovers the entirety of
the Horizon plot, Snowden thinks to himself, "They were all
mad, the men of Horizon, even the best of them" (139).
Not only madness but evildoing comes from their ideological
commitments. The killing of Piper Goines forms the nadir of
their ambition.
Piper:
She appears initially as the mutual love interest of the
three ex-cons, Snowden, Bobby Finley, and the burly sociopath
Horus Manley. She is basically a sexpot for the first half of
the book, as she passes from Snowden's bed to Bobby's. It is
only in her continuing relationship with Bobby that Piper's full
character becomes expounded: she is the young, rising news
reporter at the old, decaying New Holland Herald,
Harlem's oldest and increasingly most incompetent daily. They
are both literary types—Bobby
is a nascent writer of multiple novels—and
the fact that Piper is the only person who understands the
genius underlaying his work helps him to overcome the knowledge
that she "was Snowden's whore" (173).
|
Piper recognized the sorrow at the
core of all living, the unexpected blessings that
resonated because of it. . . . Piper kept reading
because she couldn't bring herself not to, out of
control and hell yes resenting that, but her only
defensive action was to read faster (252). |
This quote references the second book of his which she reads,
entitled The Orphean Daze. Though her reaction to it is
roughly the same as her reaction to the first book—essentially,
that Bobby possesses an unrecognized genius—this
second reading inspires Piper to her own zealous act in service
of her literary passion: she delves into the mystery of the
deaths in the Horizon buildings.
Earlier in the book, Piper commented to Snowden that she
vehemently disliked Cyrus Marks. " 'It's like he's implying
it's some bourgeois Manifest Destiny, like Harlem is just
weeding itself to make room for the moneyed fucks to come steal
it away for themselves' " (151). Those "moneyed
fucks," insensible to the needs of the less fortunate, are
epitomized by Piper's sister and her husband.
For this corporate couple, Piper has a mixture of envious and
contemptuous thoughts: "[A]s bankrupt as their value system
was, it would never force them to accept its insolvency,"
(77) she thinks. Her posh Horizon brownstone is compromised by
her slovenly personal habits, clothes scattered across the
floor, boxes of take-out strewn about like a college kid. By
contrast, Dee and Brian live in a house that is "a museum
of all the class accoutrements they'd collected..." (75).
"For fun they bought things and went to foreign resorts
that called themselves 'spas', hung out with other finance men
and their creative wives" (77). Piper seems to organize her
life in exact contradiction to her sister; she lives off her own
salary, remains unmarried and casts her lot with Harlem's
archetypal newspaper. She lives in service of journalism,
displaying exemplary courage in her perilous research of the
Horizon accident-deaths.
She exhibits the greatest integrity by remaining unswayed in
her investigation when Marks offers to leverage the Herald's
aged managing editor, Olthidius Cole, out of his position so
that she can take the position—on
the condition, of course, that she avert her investigative
journalism to some other topic. Piper, instead, pursues her
story.
She finds the Horizon files detailing the tenant-murders:
" 'Based on the files I just read,' " she says to
Snowden, " 'I'm eighty-five percent sure Lester Baines is
some kind of mass-murdering vigilante maniac' " (261).
Snowden, having found out what she is up to and in fear for her
safety, attempts to persuade her not to go public with the
information: " 'Imagine what this neighborhood would be
like if all those animals were still around?' " (262) he
argues.
Evidently, Snowden is no longer horrified by the madness of
Cyrus Marks' and Lester Baines' final solution; as his argument
suggests, now he seems to agree that the criminals of the ghetto
must be eliminated by any means necessary, including
criminality, before a better future can be attained. Piper,
however, takes his argument as confirmation of her original
suspicion, that the elimination of the old tenants and their
replacement with young black professionals is a kind of bourgeois
Manifest Destiny enacted by people indifferent enough to
universal human worth to view murder in a good cause as nothing
worse than a weeding process (151). Indeed, she is right.
She is also dead moments later, when Horus appears out of
nowhere and throws her off the apartment roof ("Piper
cleared the railing as smoothly as if she wanted to,"
Snowden observes [263]). Death, then, is the fate accorded those
irreverent to the long-term good Horizon seeks to bring about.
That they will leave a trail of undeserving, if not quite
innocent, dead in their wake is simply a necessary evil.
Piper's death, which occurs in the third-to-last chapter of
the novel, signals the death of rational skepticism in the
story. Horizon is declared a success in Harlem. Snowden becomes
its new chief spokesman. And the program expands its reach to
black communities in Brooklyn, Newark, Pittsburgh's Hill
District and Washington D.C. Observable facts, no matter how
distressing, are disregarded in fealty to the aspirational.
This is the plot of the book. In the larger context, however,
Johnson's critical satire of these black ideologues signals an
intellectual progression from the days of Killens' clinched
militancy. At the end of the book, Olthiduis Cole dies and his
son takes over at the New Holland Herald. A student from NYU
named Lucretia Yates sends in an application the writing sample
to which argues the point that "this [is] a less
sentimental group, secure enough for the harshest of
self-criticism. They [are] the first generation of black leaders
not formed by the struggle against a hostile white world. . .
more likely to be focused on their own world's internal
dilemmas" (282).
Yates' thesis seems very much to mimic Johnson's authorial
position: the novel is essentially indifferent to white people,
whether they be racist or well-meaning. Unlike
The Cotillion,
the central conflicts in
Hunting in Harlem have nothing
to do with white people or white, or white-identified
institutions. The Johnson novel is the product of a later period
in history and is an evolved Harlem satire taking as its target
of ridicule not the hostile white and white-identified world of
Jack-and-Jill and Grand Cotillion balls, but black people in
their own environs. The "internal dilemmas" of black
folk are dramatized in
Hunting in Harlem through the
interplay between Cyrus Marks' self-made institution, Horizon
Realty, and the ex-cons (Snowden, Bobby, and Horus) and young
professionals (like Piper) whom it lures to it.
The novels are separated by thirty-five years and limitless
ideological space. Whereas Killens is firm in his ideology,
Johnson has none except, perhaps, the belief in skepticism.
Hunting in Harlem occupies a kind of negative ideological space. It
disowns ideology and the forward momentum of thought and action.
In its place, the book leaves one with disillusionment, much as
at the end of Invisible Man the narrator is left in a
state of pain and emptiness (Ellison, Invisible Man,
569).
To best illustrate this rejection of hope, note the
difference between the books' heroes. Ben Ali Lumumba is a hero
through and through, and the narrative sentiment of The
Cotillion rewards him with all the traditional trappings
that a hero enjoys, a beautiful girl, fine robes and the
attention of a vast readership (not to mention the amazed
audience at the Cotillion ball).
Yoruba, too, is granted the charms of the classic heroine.
Both are exalted figures whose actions lead to the successful
Africanization of Harlem's black Cotillion. They are beautiful
in their afros and dashikis. By contrast, Snowden is the central
man in Hunting in Harlem, the main character.
Snowden, the anti-hero:
In the war satire Catch-22, the young soldier Snowden
appears over and over in the memory of another character, but
always in the same characteristic pose, lying prone and bleeding
to death in the cockpit of their fighter plane. The new black
Snowden occupies a similarly impotent position throughout the
bulk of
Hunting in Harlem: he, remember, is the one who
disdains his father's militant legacy as an organizer and Black
Liberation Army front man. Before the novel opens, he's done a
bid for that man's patricide. So in Snowden, we have the
embodiment of the death of black militant action and the
emergence of the opposite of action: stasis.
|
Snowden was so determined to believe
in nothing he'd made that a belief system in itself. The
man was dedicated to no more than getting unharmed from
one day to the next one. . . (Johnson, 146). |
As the bodies pile and the murderous plot of Cyrus and Lester
becomes clearer to him, Snowden is repelled but avoids the kind
of confrontation that Piper heroically welcomes. He has frequent
recourse to alcohol and his apartment closet. When Lester seeks
him out for one of the many covert assignments, Snowden prepares
by trying to drink himself into a stupor: "In disbelief and
defiance, Snowden swallowed another double of the same,
determined to make himself useless if no alternative presented
itself" (179).
Actually refusing to participate in the work would place him
in willful opposition to Marks and Lester and Snowden does not
want that. While he is disgusted by the killings, he is even
more disgusted by the possibility of his own death and will not
do anything to hasten it. Caught between endorsing Horizon and
rejecting it, he wanders, often drunkenly, through the space of
the book. After witnessing Piper's death, he goes into seclusion
in his apartment: "At first Snowden's inaction was out of
shock and hysteria, but after a couple of naps his motivation
for immobility had evolved into resistance and passive
aggression" (222).
That he could come to view his inaction as a form of
resistance is a radical re-interpretation of the methods of
resistance when contrasted with the way that word would have
been used in a black militant context. In that radical
vocabulary, resistance could mean anything from a non-violent
march, to a sit-in, to armed struggle in the streets. But
Snowden's only sit-in is in his own apartment and at this point
in the story he might be resisting the atrophy of his muscles as
much as anything. Because he simply refuses to act, Snowden
becomes the opposite of Ben Ali and Yoruba, an anti-hero.
Moreover, when he finally does determine to act, he sides
against Piper and the better people in the novel. He carries out
Cyrus Marks' grand plan by shooting the Harlem crack kingpin,
Parson Boone. For this act, Snowden wins the informal
competition between the three ex-cons. He becomes Horizon's
newest lead spokesman. He is invested with a false sense of
self-worth. The New Holland Herald characterizes him as
"A swashbuckling figure in his public relations photos, a
rags to riches story" (283). Apparently, their journalistic
integrity has been sacrificed along with their lead reporter,
Piper Goines, for the righteous cause that is Horizon Realty.
That an institution as inhuman and indifferent to humanity as
Horizon could become the focal point of a city and the source of
a man's personal renaissance is the disturbing note on which
Hunting in Harlem ends. Snowden, in the final analysis, becomes the
anti-hero twice over, first for his refusal to act, then for his
determination to act in the service of a cause he knows to be
morally bankrupt.
Whereas
The Cotillion
reads as a funny satire with a
message of uplift for its black readers, this newer work is
satire of a darker and more unfunny kind; it is nihilistic and
despairing in tone. Its message, if there is one, is only that
belief is false. Snowden observes before his metamorphosis into
true-believer, "A dream was a drug. In a world without
meaning, belief was an aphrodisiac" (86).
This can be read as an accurate articulation of the book's
main idea. Mat Johnson's severe criticism of inner-city renewal
efforts ends with the seeming conclusion that zealous belief is
always problematic, and perhaps even outright terrible in its
effects. In the world of his novel, which is one decisively
released from final truths, the only real virtue is honesty,
which, evidently, has the most terrible of consequences;
conversely, lies sustain those who live by them.
Coda:
Between John Killens' outraged and ideologically
committed satire and the disillusionment and despair of Mat
Johnson's novel lie thirty-five years of evolution. The two
writers offer vastly different visions of Harlem and in that
essential difference they suggest the changes that Harlem, the
site of their ruminations, has undergone between the 1960's and
now. Their books map a movement from Black Power to intellectual
severity and detachment. What Johnson's book lacks in outright
funniness and creative spark (at least when compared to Killens'
book) it makes up for in the rigor with which it investigates
its characters and those characters' crazy ideas.
In one sense, I strongly favor a work like this, which
forgoes the easier pleasures of ideological certainty in favor
of the nihilistic void that lies beyond. I appreciate Johnson's
unsparing candor and his ability to turn the mirror not only on
the white power-elite, but on black people as well. On the other
hand, I sympathize with the critic Irving Howe, who once wrote
that politically uncommitted writing is a cop-out in an
exploiting, murdering, dying capitalist nation:
The Cotillion
is a book that beyond its explosive humor serves purpose in the
fight against this country's deepest cancers, particularly
racism.
The disconnect between Killens and Johnson is, finally,
indicative of the tragic predicament by which a marginalized
people are forced to choose between truth and power. Where
ideology is utilized as the most brutal extension of our
prejudices, a perfect literature, it would seem to me, would
somehow combine an effective rhetoric for political dissent, an
ideology, if you will, with the most unfettered honesty. That, I
think, would be my utopian fantasy, that kind of freedom.
*
* * * *
posted 6 November 2005
/ updated 12 June 2008 |