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The
Defeat of the Great Black Hope
By
Maurice R. Berube
Boulton
Demas is a black 31-year-old lecturer in political science,
originally from Trinidad, who, until recently, had never seen a
live prizefight. In fact, Boulton Demas not only can’t
distinguish between a right hand lead and a right cross but he
dislikes boxing. Yet he was one of 19,500 ticket-holders at
Madison Square Garden when Muhammad Ali was beaten. For Boulton
Demas, Muhammad Ali (also known as Cassius Clay) was the Great
Black Hope.
The
transformation of Boulton Demas was by no means instant.
Originally a conservative political scientist, nonetheless,
gradually became an admirer of Malcolm X, the prophet of
blackness. Boulton Demas recalls ignoring Malcolm X on Harlem
street corners when Malcolm was alive and preaching black power
to few followers. Neither did he take an interest in Clay’s
defeating Sonny Liston in 1964; nor was he impressed that Clay,
Malcolm X’s prime disciple; the next day announced his
conversion to the Black Muslim faith. Since that time, black
power has come into its own, touching the lives of every black
and Malcolm has been unofficially canonized as a black saint.
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For Boulton
Demas, Muhammad Ali is a folk hero, one of the first
truly black men to challenge America in black terms.
There was none like him in his chosen profession, or in
other professions for that matter. He was not the humble
Negro champion like Joe Louis, the good champion who
knew his place, “a credit to his race,” whom whites
could tolerate.
He was not
the bad, thug-like champion like ex-convict Sonny Liston,
whom whites still accept because Liston conformed to
their stereotypical nightmare of the bad nigger, the
juvenile delinquent grown up. He
was not the “known-white” champion, Jack Johnson, who
terrified whites by seeking white prerogatives, by marrying a
white girl, and who first inspired the racist demand for a Great
White Hope to beat him.
There
is nothing white about Muhammad Ali. He preached blackness
through the vehicle of his religion. He is neither humble nor
socially amoral. He is a complex, brilliant young man, who
rewrote the scenario on his terms. Ali consciously cultivated a
black image.
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Prior to the Bonvena fight, for example, he invited
a class of black schoolchildren from Harlem to watch him train;
prior to the Frazier fight the only television show he appeared
on was Flip Wilson’s, the black comedian; he insisted that
white reporters sit in the back of his car and black up front.
And,
of course, white America reacted. After he became champion in
1964, the World’s Boxing Association, largely an honorary
agency with little power, stripped him of his title because of
his adoption of the Black Muslim faith.
And when he refused to be drafted into the Army in 1967,
opposing the war in Vietnam, every state boxing commission took
away his title and his right to box because his act was
“detrimental to boxing.” Ali’s refusal to serve cost him
dearly; after nearly four years of inactivity he was nearly
bankrupt from his legal appeals to avoid a five-year jail
sentence. Late last year, a federal court ruled that New York
State must permit Ali to box.
He had won the right to fight again only to have to recoup his millions
in a precious short time before a Supreme Court can rule on his draft
appeal.
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Although many lawyers feel
that he has a strong possibility of winning his case,
Ali could not take a chance.
And so, Muhammad Ali, after
a long layoff from boxing, exiled during his best
fighting years, was forced to fight the three top
heavyweight fighters within a ridiculously short period
of five months. White America wanted to see him beaten.Even
the most unimpeachable sources were infected. Ring
magazine, more definitive in its “professional” judgments
than any boxing commission, faltered. Ring refused to
award Ali its 1970 Fighter of the Year award (giving it
to Frazier) because they felt that “. . . the winner
should be a model for the Growing American Boy, that his
public relation be immaculate. . . .” |
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And, of course, Ring concluded that
“certainly Cassius was no example for the American youth to
follow.” Ring provided the basis for its ad hominem,
reasoning: “Cassius Clay would have been the ideal example of
a professional fighter if he had not refused to sing out ‘God
Bless America’.”
The
draft refusal was but an extension of Ali’s blackness. The
New York Daily News, which kept up a frenetic campaign
against Ali, best explained the reaction of the silent majority
to the Great Black Hope. Columnist Dick Young observed of white
haters of Ali that: “It is the Muslim mask of Muhammad Ali
that they want beaten in. That is, what they fear. That is what
they resent, really, that and his refusal to serve in the armed
forces. They are the whites of the middle generations, those who
served in wars gone past and those with sons or nephews in this
one. They are the whites who think with hate in their hearts and
who root for Joe Frazier to do this thing for them. . . .”
Even Frazier’s manager, Yank Durham, “didn’t like what he
[Ali] stood for.”
Although
Joe Frazier is also black, his social vision is severely
limited. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference picketed
Frazier in Philadelphia for refusing to grant SCLC the franchise
rights to show the bout in the black ghettos, proceeds to help
fight poverty. And CORE, praising Ali as a black model, was
unsuccessful in its attempt to persuade Frazier to disavow the
white racists who saw him as the means to defeat the Great Black
Hope. “I stand up for the black man,” Frazier apologized.
“But the most important thing, I stand up for Joe Frazier.
That’s where it all begins, each man standing up for himself
and looking for his family.”
Ali,
on the other hand, felt he represented a “cause” of millions
of black people. “Muhammad Ali,” Eldridge Cleaver wrote in Soul on Ice,
“is the first ‘free’ black champion ever to confront white
America. In the context of boxing, he is a genuine
revolutionary, the black Fidel Castro of boxing . . . [He] marks
the victory of a New World over and Old World, of Life and light
over Lazarus and the darkness of the grave.”
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The Frazier
fight closed out the myth. White America had won. “The
whites paid [the big prices] to see Ali get his
lumps,” Dick Young of the Daily News wrote,
“and they saw it.” Joe Frazier viciously pounded a
no longer fleetfooted boxer in thirteen of fifteen
rounds, and most of the ringside celebrities applauded
the “comeuppance.”
“He deserved it,” said one
international film star. There were few sympathizers
near the ring. One could spot the consternation on a few
liberal writers like Pete Hamill, Budd Schulberg, and
George Plimpton. But most ringsiders seemed satisfied.
Only Ali’s trainer and friend, Bundini Brown, wept on Ali’s
shoulder. |
One
cannot write dispassionately of Muhammad Ali. His beliefs won
him white liberal and radical sympathizers, whereas his cruel
skill in his prime endeared him to fight fans who liked their
boxing in the classical style. There were few movie house
patrons who cheered him on in the first Liston fight; by the
time the Great Black Hope returned and confronted Jerry Quarry,
however, his black and white movie house fans were fanatically
screaming for their hero. Ali’s three-and-a-half years in
exile were mostly spent on college campuses annexing a new white
constituency; and it cost him his boxing skills. There are no
comebacks in boxing.
Most
of those who idolized Ali, as well as those who hated him,
simply confused politics and religion with a good stiff jab. For
me, an unrepentant fight buff, Ali at his best was grace and
finesse. His victory over the awesome Sonny Liston, whom fight
“experts” had called the most indestructible and fearful
heavyweight, was a victory of style and intelligence over the
irrationality of brute force. It was the victory of the rebel,
the seven-to-one underdog, of David over Goliath.
Prizefighting
is not a sport but a sadistic ritual. At best it is the most
destructive psychic release of hostility short of war. Those who
find sport in prizefighting have not boxed much or perhaps not
at all. Boxing eventually maims and cripples and even the most
extraordinary adept barely escape paying the full price. Yet,
once acculturated, the love of boxing dies hard.
A
man, however, channels hostility into more constructive
pursuits. And, of course, the younger Cassius Clay became the
man Muhammad Ali, and fought his best fights outside the ring,
in the larger real world. There are two men—Cassius Clay, the
boxer, and Muhammad Ali, the Great Black Hope. I respect the
black rebel, but it was the skilful fighter who fascinated me
most.
But,
even, in defeat Ali was a symbol. Her became an anachronism,
belonging to a recent past America wants to forget. Ali was the
1960s, strident, militant, black, anti-war, social—and
overreaching. We may not see his like again for some time.
Source: Commonweal
(26 March 1971)* * *
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My Life and Battles
By Jack Johnson
African American
historian Gerald Early refers to Jack Johnson (1878–1946),
the first African American heavyweight champion of the
world, as “the first African-American pop culture icon.”
Johnson is a seminal and iconic figure in the history of
race and sport in America.
My Life and Battles is the translation of a memoir
by Johnson that was published in French, has never before
been translated, and is virtually unknown.
It covers Johnson’s
colorful life, both inside and outside the ring, up to and
including his famous defeat of Jim Jeffries in Reno, Nevada,
on July 4, 1910, in one of the iconic ring battles of the
early twentieth century. In addition to the fights
themselves the memoir recounts, among many other things,
Johnson’s brief and amusing career as a local politician and
provides portraits of some of the most famous boxers of the
1900–1915 era. |
Johnson comments explicitly on race and “the
color line” in boxing and in American society at large in ways that
he probably would not have in a publication destined for an American
reading public. The text constitutes genuinely new, previously
unavailable material and will be of great interest for the many
readers intrigued by Jack Johnson.
In addition to providing information about
Johnson’s life, it is a fascinating exercise in self-mythologizing
that provides substantial insights into how Johnson perceived
himself and wished to be perceived by others. Johnson’s personal
voice comes through clearly—brash, clever, theatrical, and
invariably charming. The memoir makes it easy to see how and why
Johnson served as an important role model for Muhammad Ali and why
so many have compared the two. With a foreword by Geoffrey C. Ward.
Translated from the French by Christopher Rivers
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Unforgivable Blackness
The Rise and Fall of Jack Johnson
By Geoffrey C. Ward
Johnson (1878–1946),
boxing's first black heavyweight champion, was a lightning
rod for controversy in early 20th-century America. Even many
of his fellow African-Americans resented his unapologetic
dominance of the ring and steady succession of white
girlfriends and wives, viewing his behavior as a setback to
race relations.
Ward (A First-Class
Temperament) depicts the fear and resentment Johnson
spurred in white Americans in voluminous detail that may
startle modern readers in its frankness. Contemporary
journalists regularly referred to Johnson as a "nigger" and
openly advocated his pummeling at white hands, though ample
quotations from supporters in the Negro press balance the
perspective. |
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Ward first documents the obstacles
the boxing world threw in Johnson's path (including prolonged refusals
by top white boxers to fight against him), and then probes the
government's prosecution of the champ under the Mann Act (which banned
the interstate transport of females for "immoral purposes") for taking
his girlfriends across state lines. Ward brings his award-winning
biographical skills to this sympathetic portrayal, which practically
bursts with his research—at times almost every page has its own
footnote. Though the narrative drags slightly in Johnson's declining
years, the champion's stubborn, uncompromising personality never lets
up. Even readers who don't consider this a knockout will concede Ward a
victory on points. Photos— Publishers
Weekly
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1493: Uncovering the New World Columbus
Created
By Charles C. Mann
I’m
a big fan of Charles Mann’s previous
book
1491:
New Revelations of the Americas Before
Columbus, in which he
provides a sweeping and provocative
examination of North and South America
prior to the arrival of Christopher
Columbus. It’s exhaustively researched
but so wonderfully written that it’s
anything but exhausting to read. With
his follow-up,
1493, Mann has taken it to a
new, truly global level. Building on the
groundbreaking work of Alfred Crosby
(author of
The Columbian Exchange and, I’m
proud to say, a fellow Nantucketer),
Mann has written nothing less than the
story of our world: how a planet of what
were once several autonomous continents
is quickly becoming a single,
“globalized” entity.
Mann not only talked to countless
scientists and researchers; he visited
the places he writes about, and as a
consequence, the book has a marvelously
wide-ranging yet personal feel as we
follow Mann from one far-flung corner of
the world to the next. And always, the
prose is masterful. In telling the
improbable story of how Spanish and
Chinese cultures collided in the
Philippines in the sixteenth century, he
takes us to the island of Mindoro whose
“southern coast consists of a number of
small bays, one next to another like
tooth marks in an apple.” We learn how
the spread of malaria, the potato,
tobacco, guano, rubber plants, and sugar
cane have disrupted and convulsed the
planet and will continue to do so until
we are finally living on one integrated
or at least close-to-integrated Earth.
Whether or not the human instigators of
all this remarkable change will survive
the process they helped to initiate more
than five hundred years ago remains,
Mann suggests in this monumental and
revelatory book, an open question. |
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Ratification
The People Debate the Constitution,
1787-1788
By Pauline Maier
A notable historian
of the early republic, Maier devoted a
decade to studying the immense
documentation of the ratification of the
Constitution. Scholars might approach
her book’s footnotes first, but history
fans who delve into her narrative will
meet delegates to the state conventions
whom most history books, absorbed with
the Founders, have relegated to
obscurity. Yet, prominent in their local
counties and towns, they influenced a
convention’s decision to accept or
reject the Constitution. Their
biographies and democratic credentials
emerge in Maier’s accounts of their
elections to a convention, the political
attitudes they carried to the conclave,
and their declamations from the floor.
The latter expressed opponents’
objections to provisions of the
Constitution, some of which seem
anachronistic (election regulation
raised hackles) and some of which are
thoroughly contemporary (the power to
tax individuals directly). Ripostes from
proponents, the Federalists, animate the
great detail Maier provides, as does her
recounting how one state convention’s
verdict affected another’s. Displaying
the grudging grassroots blessing the
Constitution originally received, Maier
eruditely yet accessibly revives a
neglected but critical passage in
American history.—Booklist |
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The White Masters of the
World
From
The World and Africa, 1965
By W. E. B. Du Bois
W. E. B. Du Bois’
Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization
(Fletcher)
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Ancient African Nations
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The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan
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The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll
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Only a Pawn in Their Game
Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for
Slavery /
George Jackson /
Hurricane Carter
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The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg
The
Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804
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January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of
Haiti
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updated 1 October 2007
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