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“We had never been a racist organization,” he insisted. “The reason we don’t

have visible white allies today is that the white radical movement is dead.”

 

 

Books by Huey P. Newton

Revolutionary Suicide  /  War Against the Panthers  / Huey P. Newton Reader / To Die for the People / The Genius of Huey P. Newton

In Search of Common Ground  / Insights and Poems / Essays from the Minister of Defense

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Editorial Correspondence

Demythologizing Huey Newton

By Cornish Rogers

 

Oakland.

WHAT I FOUND most striking about Huey Newton was his eyes. We had been sitting for hours around a dining-room table in intense conversation, and his eyes had taken on an independent life of their own—appearing at times to be the only sure and unchanging reality I was confronting.

Perhaps it was because of the image of Huey Newtown, co-founder of the Black Panther Party, has for so long been clouded by myth and fantasy that I now had some doubts as to whether this was the real Huey or a figment of my imagination. He looked just as he does in his pictures, although shorter than I had expected. His handsome angular face rose above a superbly muscled upper torso. He seemed to be from another time and another world—the strident Afros—the only prominent black activist leader of that decade not now dead or in exile.

In appearance, this was the same Huey Newton who had been convicted of murdering an Oakland policeman in 1967 and had spent three years in prison only to be released in 1970 following a California appeals court’s overruling of his conviction. After two subsequent trials ended in hung juries, the state dropped it charges and he was set free.

In the view of many, the Huey who emerged from prison is an entirely different person from the brash young gun-toting militant who entered it back in 1968. He seemed to have won not only a second life but a markedly different one. Instead of stepping back into the image of Eldridge Cleaver and the media and projected of the Panthers, Huey adopted a nonmilitant profile for his organization. He moved quickly to banish from the party those gun-loving militants who had taken control during his incarceration. He introduced food and other aid programs for the poor. His most recent venture was into the political arena where his party campaigned vigorously on behalf of Bobby Seale’s unsuccessful but impressive effort to win election as mayor of Oakland.

The party’s new socially benign activities have led some observers to contend that Huey Newtown has changed from a “panther to a pussycat.” Some have even hinted that he must have been the victim, while in prison, of a macabre behavior-altering medical experiment—a “clock-work orange” type of treatment.

Refusing to respond to my queries by telephone, Huey instead of invited me to his apartment. Not far from a portrait of revolutionary leader Che Guevara (a gift from an admiring fellow prison) was a large telescope trained through the window on the county courthouse jail. According to Huey, it was focused on the very cell he had occupied for so long while awaiting trial. Asked whether he harbors nostalgia for the cell, he appeared amused at first; then, his eyes hardening, he said: “No, I look through that telescope each day not out of nostalgia but because, you might say, that’s my Moby Dick—my personification of evil.”

Thus began, for me, the process of separating myth from reality. When he told me that his father, whom he idolizes, is a Baptist preacher—and that as a boy he went to church several times a week—a new perspective on him and his work began to emerge. I was genuinely surprised that he professed to be deeply religious; he quoted liberally from Ecclesiastes, his favorite book of the Bible. While he expressed the prophet’s scorn for the religious establishment (“the black preachers did not support us in the mayoral election, but the members of their congregations did”), he praised the church’s ideas. Although not a traditional theist, he believes fervently that “wherever two or three are gathered together to serve the people, there is God.”

Explained Huey: “In order to understand me and the Black Panther Party today, you have to understand that we were always motivated solely by a determination to protect the people—the black people of Oakland. Everybody looks at that famous poster of me sitting in that wide basket-backed chair with a spear in one hand and a rifle in the other. But no one sees the shield there next to me. The shield explains us best: we intend to shield our people from the brutalities visited upon them by the policy and other racist institutions in the society.”

Huey placed much of the blame on the media and Eldridge Cleaver, his former minister of information, for the distorted image of the Black Panthers as a paramilitary, cop-hating group of violent revolutionaries. Cleaver, he claimed, had severe personal problems which he tried to translate into political terms. But Huey accepted some of the blame for the Panthers’ militant image himself: he coined the term “pigs”; he caused a sensation by sending Panthers armed with loaded rifles into the California state legislature to protest a proposed antigun bill; and he fostered the Panthers’ audacious practice of following the police around town to observe their treatment of citizens they stopped—a practice regarded by the public as cop-baiting.

If the prison authorities were unable to inflict psychosurgical or biomedical “therapy” upon Huey, his enforced solitary confinement must have accomplished a similar purpose—but without destroying his basic motivation. He emerged from prison convinced that the Panthers’ “destructive tactics” had severely harmed their “strategic interests.” Operating on the assumption that politics is indeed an extension of the war by other means, he launched the Panthers on their campaign for Bobby Seale, but with a deeper reason as well: to acquaint the grass-roots black community with a new image of the Panthers, and to create a viable network which could be used for other community efforts. His ultimate political goal in Oakland, he said, is not to take over, but “to get effective representation of our poor and black community in every governmental institution that’s supposed to be serving us.”

Huey predicted that the Panther programs around the country will become more regionally directed and will be designed to meet local community needs instead of relating to Third World international interests. He explained: “I’m not really very interested in running a worldwide organization. My first interest is to establish justice in this community. This is why we got started—to protect black and poor people in Oakland.”

Huey reiterated that it was Eldridge Cleaver, under the influence of white radicals, who turned the Panthers into a feared revolutionary vanguard. Also, according to Huey, he had to resist Stokely Carmichael’s insistence that the Panthers have nothing more to do with white groups. “We had never been a racist organization,” he insisted. “The reason we don’t have visible white allies today is that the white radical movement is dead.”

But the original Panther image is not dead, especially outside the United States. Angry young oppressed people everywhere still identify with that image of strident militancy. Young Filipino activists paint “power to the people” on walls in Manila. Not long ago in Australia, young aborigine “panthers,” with white student support, staged a sit-in against the government at Canberra and reaped a violent confrontation with the police. “Black Panthers” in Israel are agitating for better treat of the Western Jews. And I recall very vividly the group handsome young New Zealand “Panthers”—Malay and Fiji Islanders, proudly sporting huge “Afros who, after I had spent an evening with them, told me the “black power” handshake and sped more my way with raised fists and shouts of “Power to the people!”

I could not help wondering, as Huey continued to puncture myths about the Panthers, how their image change would affect all those groups who life styles are patterned on the angry rhetoric of fearless posturing of the original Huey. Will they understand and accept the explanation of his original purpose as symbolized by the shield? Will they understand the old African saying that Huey had become found of quoting at his basic motivation I am we”? Now that Huey Newton has been demythologized, will they continue to believe? If they do, perhaps, like the older and wiser Huey, they too will come of age.

Source: The Christian Century • August 15–22, 1973

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DVDs -- A Huey P. Newton Story 2001  / What We Want, What We Believe The Black Panther Party Library 

The Spook Who Sat By the Door  / Passin' It On; The Black Panthers' Search for Justice /

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posted 14 May 2006

 

 

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Related files:  Way Of Liberation Manifesto  The Defection of Eldridge Cleaver   Demythologizing Huey Newton   Revolutionary Suicide