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Books by Wilson
Jeremiah Moses
Golden Age of Black Nationalism,
1850-1925 (1988) /
The Wings of Ethiopia
(1990)
Alexander
Crummell: A Study of Civilization and Discontent
(1992) /
Destiny & Race: Selected Writings, 1840-1898
(1992)
Black
Messiahs and Uncle Toms: Social and Literary
Manipulations of a Religious Myth (1993)
Liberian Dreams: Back-to-Africa
Narratives from the 1850s
/
Afrotopia: The Roots of African American
Popular History
(2002)
Creative Conflict in African American Thought (2004)
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Just Another Fine Gentleman of African
Extraction
with Polish and a High IQ—Economist
Glenn Loury
By
Wilson J. Moses
I saw an old
friend, Glenn Loury on "Bill
Moyers Journal" on June 20, 2008. Glenn Loury has
always been very gracious to me and I shall never forget
the occasion several years ago, when I was guest of
honor at a reception and dinner in Glenn's stately19th
century mansion in Brookline Mass. I was doubly
interested since his conversation partner on the 19th
was Orlando Patterson, with whom I have conversed only
once, telephonically, while we were both in Cambridge
England—he
on a Guggenheim, and I on a Ford Foundation Grant.
Obama's candidacy, especially his Father's Day Speech
apparently provided the two of them with points of
disagreement, although I didn't understand what exactly.
I thought Loury gave a better account of himself, in the
oral presentation, by stressing the valid point that
black males are simply powerless and confused, and that
their problems cannot be solved by sermons, regardless
of how timely and appropriate.
But Patterson had
anticipated the same points in his brilliant book,
Rituals of Blood (1998), and both Glenn and Orlando
agree that no change is possible outside the matrix of
social structure and economic organization. Obama is,
of course, not the first person to describe the weak
position of black males and to call for a
lifting-by-bootstraps philosophy of social change. I
might have added that Booker T. Washington, W. E.
Burghardt Du Bois, E. Franklin Frazier, and Angela
Davis, all made similar observations with respect to
black family structure, calling for both institutional
reform and personal responsibility, although Davis
emphatically rejected the proposition that
patriarchalism is the solution to problems of social
disorganization.
I also watched, that night, Larry Kudlow's show, "Kudlow
Live;" his guests were Art Laffer; Joseph Battipaglia,
Stifel Nicolaus; Brian Wesbury, arguing over what
actions Bernanke should or should not take. Mr. Kudlow,
in another segment, commenting on Obama's decision to
turn down public funds, expressed his contempt for
McCain-Feingold, and opined that there are good
flip-flops, and bad flip-flops. As far as he is
concerned Obama made a good flip-flop, and Kudlow is
confident that Obama will move further to the right. I
am forced, kicking and screaming, to agree with Larry,
whose show I prefer to Chris Matthews', since there are
fewer commercials, and the guests are more interesting.
I am
attaching a link to an article by my good friend
Adolph Reed whose influences I consider healthy, if
sometimes heavy-handed. Adolph and I have had some very
agreeable conversations, but he can be contentious, and
he seems to believe that political reform is actually
possible. "Progressives," like Brother Adolph, are just
as aware as Lenin was that government can never be
anything more than a mechanism for the control of the
masses. The masses are no stupider, than the ruling
minority, but they are disorganized and also more poorly
informed than the ruling minority, furthermore as Adam
Smith sadly pointed out in 1776, the elites make the
laws.
Capitalists, as James Madison stated in 1787, are
divided into competing factions with mutually repugnant
interests. Political conflicts, whether inter-party, or
intra-party, represent nothing more than the coalition
politics of competing elite factions whose heroic role
is to impede majority rule. If Obama wins the election,
which I consider unlikely, it will simply be due to the
fact that a fortuitous and temporary coalition of elite
minorities will have decided that he, rather than
McCain, can best represent their interests. With that
in mind, I suppose I must concede that maybe he can win.
I see Obama as stamped exactly from the
Kennedy/Reagan/Clinton mold, and I see no reason why I
should be any more annoyed or excited by Obama than by
anyone else. He's just another clean-cut, articulate,
polished gentleman of African extraction, with a high IQ
and an appeal to young White liberals, Unitarian
ministers, and Colored church ladies. Very much in the
same pattern as Condoleezza Rice, Manning Marable, Skip
Gates, Evelyn Higgenbotham, Cornel West, Lonnie Guinier,
Colin Powell, Mary Berry, John Hope Franklin, Adelaide
Cromwell, Tiger Woods, and Adolph Reed---or, for that
matter, Wilson Moses.
As for the current
work of Wilson Moses, I am afraid I am not able to spend
the summer in France, as I had planned. Over the past 4
years, I have been able to reside a mere 11 months in
Paris and only 3 months in Berlin. A man of my severe
disabilities finds the amount of time available
ludicrously inadequate for one's ongoing projects.
I have been working
on a short piece in comparative literature, on the
medieval romance of Tristan und Isolde, which originated
in my long-standing interest in Wagner, in whom Du Bois
was also interested. Wagner used only the
Mittelhochdeutsch version. I have been looking mainly
at the 19th century reconstructions in modern French and
German, with only occasional references to the original
medieval languages, which I still find exceedingly
difficult. I am making good progress on another book,
that offers a critique of the Political Thought of the
Great White Fathers, whom I compare to their European
contemporaries. Thomas Jefferson's abilities and
accomplishments were somewhat similar to those of the
severely disadvantaged Benjamin Banneker, but far
inferior to those of Kant, Goethe, Hume, Mozart, Haydn,
Herder, Beaumarchais, or Adam Smith.
I have been reading Leopold Senghor of Senegal and Aime
Césaire of Martinique, both of whom encountered the
works of Leo Frobenius, although much later than Du
Bois did. I got the idea for this project from a speech
that Senghor gave at the Frankfurter Buchmesse,
originally published in German (1982), but subsequently
available in French as well. As Senghor explains, the
Francophone Africans had to wait for the translation of
Ursprung der afrikanischen Kulturen, into French.
Césaire and Senghor (to a greater extent) were
influenced by Gobineau's Sur l'inegalité des races,
which Du Bois seems to have known only from the
decapitated American translation of Benjamin Nott (also
read by Frederick Douglass), but I have touched on this
in recent publications.
This butchered
translation may explain why Senghor and Cesaire—
"Nègre
je suis, nègre je resterai!"—recognized
some of the points that I have made in my recent
articles on Du Bois. See my introduction to Brother
Skip Gates' Oxford edition of
Black Folk Then and Now.
Also see my article on Du Bois in Shamoon Zamir's
Cambridge Handbook to Du Bois, which will be
published this summer, or so I have been promised. But
I am planning a longer work on Du Bois and the
Francophones as a long-term book-length project that
will address both Frobenius and Gobineau, not to mention
Oswald Spengler.
As you can see, I have much-too-much on my plate, but
since family matters will probably keep me in the United
States of America for the next 11 months, I may be
forced to quit flitting around, and get a little writing
done, for a change.
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* * *
Orlando Patterson is a public intellectual. For
eight years, he was Special Advisor for Social Policy
and Development to Prime Minister Michael Manley of
Jamaica. He was a founding member of Cultural Survival,
one of the leading advocacy groups for the rights of
indigenous peoples, and was for several years a board
member of Freedom House, a major civic organization for
the promotion of freedom and democracy around the world.
Glenn C. Loury is the Merton P. Stoltz Professor
of the Social Sciences and Professor of Economics at
Brown University. Professor Loury is a distinguished
academic economist who has contributed to a variety of
areas in applied microeconomic theory: welfare
economics, game theory, industrial organization, natural
resource economics, and the economics of income
distribution.
"About Face" is
a necessary read. It concerns Glenn Loury's
"transformation":
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In the wake of his arrest,
however, Loury had experienced a personal transformation
that was to have far-reaching intellectual consequences.
Five months after beating his cocaine addiction, Loury was
dipped into a pool of water at a ceremony in Dorchester,
Mass., and was born again. He started going to church
regularly and was, he says, ''getting caught up in the
rapture of these services where people were falling out onto
the floor.'' The people who forgave him his sins—his family,
his fellow churchgoers and his wife—were black, and Loury
did not fail to notice this. According to Patterson,
''Religion was Glenn's entry back into the black
community.''
''The experience did nothing to
my politics,'' Loury insists, but the ''processing of my own
frailties'' that it engendered, that did have an effect. Now
that he was among ''the fallen,'' he found it difficult to
keep telling people—his people—to ''just straighten up, for
crying out loud,'' as he had been for years. It struck him,
he says, as ''unbelievably shallow, spiritually, and
politically problematic.'' In one of the more revealing
passages of his new book, he criticizes the way successful
blacks sometimes develop an ''antipathy'' toward the black
poor: ''If only THEY would get their acts together, then
people like ME wouldn't have such a problem.''
NYTimes * *
* * *
The Anatomy of Racial Inequality, based on lectures
he gave in 2000 at the Dubois Institute at Harvard, offers a
bracing philosophical defense of his new views. Returning to
an argument he first presented in his dissertation, Loury
argues that blacks are no longer held back by
''discrimination in contract''—discrimination in the job
market— but rather by ''discrimination in contact,''
informal and entirely legal patterns of socializing and
networking that tend to exclude blacks and thereby
perpetuate racial inequality. At the root of this unofficial
discrimination, he says, is ''stigma,'' a subtle yet
pervasive form of antiblack bias. According to Loury, stigma
explains why many white Americans, as well as some blacks,
view the imprisonment of 1.2 million African-American men as
a ''communal disgrace'' rather than as ''an American
tragedy.''
Of course, Loury himself once
perceived the plight of the underclass in similar terms. As
he wrote in 1985, ''Whatever fault may be placed upon racism
in America, the responsibility for the behavior of black
youngsters lies squarely on the shoulders of the black
community itself.'' In his new book, by contrast, Loury
asserts that the miseries of the ghetto can ''only be seen
as a domestic product . . . for which the entire nation
bears a responsibility.''
NYTimes |
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Glenn Loury: A Nation of Jailers—A second piece on Glenn Loury,
“A
Nation of Jailers” fuels a continuing dialogue with regard to
Obama's Father's Day speech and the perennial chastisement of black men
as irresponsible. I agree with Loury, the lecture is probably necessary
but the discussion cannot end there.
Clearly, Loury understands that the Obama father speech was acutely
political and probably smart politics to emote and fire up black women
for they are more likely to vote in larger numbers than black men in
November. Maybe Obama discovered the black gender proportional figures
of voters during the primaries.
In "Nation of Jailers" it is stated that more than 7 million black men
are caught up in the criminal justice system, though 1.6 million are
imprisoned and there’s a large number who are not in prison with felony
charges which disqualify them to vote in November and for many other
reasons. Depending on what happens between now and November, a large
number of black men may become disinterested and decide to sit out the
general election. This attitude was termed "male envy" by one of my
correspondents. So Obama may have indeed written the bottom half of the
black male vote off as inconsequential.
A
related matter. Louis Reyes Rivera has given these bottom-half brothers
(and sisters) of a voice in the recent publication
The Bandana Republic A Literary Anthology by Gang Members and Their
Affiliates
(The
Bandana Republic).
If libraries have not already bought it, they should be encouraged to do
so. I think a lot of young people who are reading urban novels would go
for this book, especially in the branches. High school kids might indeed
want to check it out.—Rudy
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A Nation of Jailers—"Today,
fifteen years after crime peaked, the American prison system
has become a leviathan unmatched in human history," he said.
"Never has a supposedly 'free country' denied basic liberty
to so many of its citizens."
The impact on communities of
color has been enormous. According to U.S. Department of
Justice figures, a black man has a 32 percent chance of
entering state or federal prison during his lifetime. If
current incarceration rates continue, one of every three
black male babies born today will see the inside of a prison
cell, a rate more than five times higher than that of white
male babies. In many inner-city neighborhoods, a stint in
prison is as much a rite of passage as graduation from high
school. The effects of these incarcerations are not confined
to the prison walls.
More than half of state and
federal inmates are parents of minor children; according to
DOJ, black children are nearly nine times more likely than
white children to have a parent in prison.
Finding work for any person
with a criminal conviction is already a challenge; for an
African-American, that challenge can be almost
insurmountable.
Prisoner statistics, Loury said
in his Tanner lectures, tell only part of the story:
[N]o
cost-benefit analysis of our world-historic prison build-up
over the past thirty-five years is possible without
specifying how one should reckon in the calculation the pain
being imposed on the persons imprisoned, their families and
their communities.
How to
value this aspect of policy is, to my mind, a salient
ethical issue.BrownAlumniMagazine |
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Responses
Rudy,
I especially sent this article ["About Face"]
to you, because I heard the Bill
Moyers and Orlando Patterson and Glenn Loury
interview. Loury was not anti-Obama, nor did he try trash man as some
blacks are now trying to do. He did, however, raise some important
issues.—Herbert
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Herbert, those issues are not being addressed, and certainly not by you,
it seems. Anyone who raises questions about policies and programs
proclaimed by Obama is "anti-Obama" or deemed as "trashing" him; all the
while, they are willing to give him a free pass because of the color of
his skin. Here, I am paraphrasing Loury. But here he speaks for himself:
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Obama's
candidacy will be a complete redefinition of the racial
landscape. [And there's a universal blindness of black
voters] Well, because they're caught up in the emotion of a
black guy running for President. It's the first chance to
support them without perhaps thinking through all the
implications of what that might mean. |
Here is what Loury says
further and I encourage you to read and reread the interview manuscript:
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I think
Obama's candidacy is an extraordinary event, and I see it
not mainly through the generational lens or even through the
racial lens. I see it through the way that he frames
conflict, political difference. He wants to transcend and
not litigate some of these open questions from our culture
wars and out past political wars. It's not as if he's saying
we have to extirpate every remnant of the Reagan era, we
have to go after every right-wing this or right-wing that.
It's as if he wants to say, "It's a whole new day, let's
redefine the questions and let's change the agenda." But the
other thing that I wanted to say about Obama is with respect
to blacks who are voting to Barack Obama in 90 percent
levels in the primary season, and who constitute a very
important element of his political coalition. I don't know
that they recognize that they're voting for the end of race
as we've known it in the country. I don't know that they
recognize and I don't mean to belittle them. I'm just asking
a question. I'm not sure they recognize that—Glenn
Loury
PBS |
This
is a critique of Obama, not a pandering, to his views, programs and
policies, which Loury suggests is the attitude of the 90% black voters
for Obama in the primaries.—Rudy
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* * *
Rudy,
I'm asking around to find out about a way to do a livelink. You have a
great collection of writers, poets, philosophersand artists who really
go to "deep" when it comes to issues. These are the folk that we don't
see on the corporate media programs and they have a much better sense of
the national pulse (or heartbeat). We're back to the lesser of two
evils again and, if we support Obama as the lesser then we have to
devise a strategy that will keep the fire burning beneath his soles. I'd
like to hear a discussion of the issue—live.
I'm going to try and stir the pot. . . . Regardless of how much
Barack and others may want racism to be gone, I'm a skeptic and recall
what a therapist friend once told me about the end of relationships:
That it takes at least half the length of the relationship to get over
it. The abuse by this country of its citizens of African Descent went
nearly four hundred years . . . we've got a long way to go. Let's just
hope that, if Obama wins, he won't screw up as badly as the other 44.
But we'll still have to get his ear and be a gadfly constantly buzzing
and disturbing him, making/keeping him aware that we're not going to be
passive in our acceptance of what comes from inside the beltway.—Chuck
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Morning my friend. I
read About Face early this am. Thanks so much to you and Wilson for
turning me on to this. I loved it. I understand it. I understand what
happened to Glenn. I will re-read it and send it to others. I
understand "discrimination contact." Brilliant way of putting it.
Love—Peggy
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Hi. It will be
interesting to read about Loury. He did a lot of damage before we was
"transformed". How interesting. Forgive me if I am somewhat skeptical.
But I will definitely read it.—Joyce
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I
think his [Obama's] speech had a triple purpose 1) connect with white
voters who already believe what he said 2) to challenge the Black men
who are not and have not been tcb'ing to step up and 3) like you share
firing up Black women—I think though that since men are just as
emotional as women—he's was appealing to everybody's emotions at some
level—acknowledged or not emotions are part of all decisions folk
make—another reason more of us need to get connected to how we really
feel. Last, he didn't get me fired up—I've been fired up about brothers
for both powerfully positive (the ones who "do" take care of home,
family, etc. who do struggle against oppression, who do create wonderful
art, serve community in numerous ways, etc.: my grandpa, my brother, my
husband, Mandela the list is long) and negative (the lst is long)
reasons for decades.
At my center I love Black men, need them in the world and in my life.
Don't excuse the ones who are out here fucking up royal.—Mary
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posted 26 June
2008
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