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Table of Contents
EdHistNegro
1 (18th Century Efforts)
EdHistNegro 2 (John
Chavis & the Presbyterian Church)
EdHistNegro 3 (Importation
of Slaves & More on Chavis)
EdHistNegro 4 (Mob
Violence & More on Chavis)
EdHistNegro
5 (David Walker on Negro Education)
EdHistNegro 6 (Baltimore
School for Girls & Nat Turner)
EdHistNegro 7 (Prohibitions
& Appeals)
EdHistNegro
8 (De Tocqueville & American Slavery)
EdHistNegro9
(Negro Inferiority & Freedom's Journal)
EdHistNegro
10 (Moravians & Henry Juett Gray Qualifies to
Teach the Blind, 1842)
EdHistnegro
11 (Alabama Baptists & Benjamin Banneker)
EdHistNegro 12 (William Harper
& the Education of Slaves)
EdHistNegro 13 (Hinton
Rowan Helper: Abolitionist & Racist)
EdHistNegro 14 (Biblical
Justification & Obligations for Slavery)
EdHistNegro
15 (Lincoln & Emancipation Proclamation)
EdHistNegro 16 (Freedmen's
Bureau & the Capacity of the Negro)
EdHistNegro
17 (Northern Teachers & the Klan)
EdHistNegro
18 (Civil Rights & Threats to New Freedoms)
EdHistNegro 19 (Dred
Scott & Homer Plessy)
EdHistNegro 20 (Booker T.
Washington & Charles Eliot)
EdHistNegro
21 (Booker T. Washington & John S. Bassett)
EdHistNegro 22 (Berea
College & Justice Harlan EdHistNegro
23 (Lloyd Gaines & Charles Houston)
EdHistNegro 24
(Heman Sweatt & Texas Law School)
EdHistNegro 25 (Lucille
Bluford & University of Missouri) EdHistNegro
26 (G.W. McLaurin & Oklahoma) EdHistNegro 27
(Brown v. Board of Education) EdHistNegro
28 (The Cummings Case 1899) EdHistNegro
29 (Gong and Martha Lum Case 1927) *
* * * *
* * * * * Related
Files Ada
Sipuel case
Africa or
America: The Emphasis in Black Studies Programs
The African Studies Program At Morgan State
University Black
Education (Joyce King)
Blacks in Higher Education
Bush's
Fight Against Educational Diversity A Century of Civil Rights
Acts Civil
Rights Bill of 1875
The Collapse of
Urban Public Schooling (Floyd W. Hayes, III)
Cornel West: An Editorial
Cornel West Moves to
Princeton Cornish and Russwurm
DAVIS and Prince Edward County, VA
A
Depravity of Logic
Depression Era Shopping
List
Dilemma
of Black Urban Education
A Dream
Deferred: A Mournful Contrarian Dissection
Dred Scott
Case
Fifty Influential Figures
Liberals Hate the
Military
The Meritocracy Myth
Responses to Race as a Decoy for Class
Mississippi Freedom
School
Most Dangerous
Black Professor in America
A
Naďve Political Treatise
Negro Press
Negro Progress in American Education
Pass the Mic
A
Report on a Gathering at Red Emma's
School Daze
Statistics on the
Inequities
W.E.B. Du Bois
Jacob and Esau West Cites Reason For Quitting
* *
* * * Zora Neale
Hurston --
Court Order
Can't Make Races Mix * *
* * * Other
Du Bois Writings
Books
The
Conservation of Races (Washington, D.C.: American Negro
Academy, 1897).
Africa:
Its Geography, People and Products (Girard, Kansas:
Haldeman-Julius, 1930).
Africa:
Its Place in Modern History (Girard, Kansas: Haldeman-Julius,
1930).
Dusk
of Dawn: An Essay Toward a History of the Part Which Black Folk
Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America,
1860-1880 (New York: Holt, 1939)
W.E.B.
Du Bois Speaks: Speeches and Addresses, edited by Philip
S. Foner (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1970).
W.E.B.
Du Bois: The Crisis Writing, editing by Daniel Walden
(Greenwich, Conn.: Fawcett, 1972).
The
Emerging Thought of W.E.B. Du Bois: Essays and Editorials From
"The Crisis," edited by Henry Lee Moon (New York:
Simon & Schuster, 1972)
The
Education of Black People: Ten Critiques, 1906-1960,
edited by Herbert Aptheker (Amherst: University of Massachusetts
Press, 1973.
* * * * *
A Dream Deferred: A Mournful, Contrarian Dissection
Of the
Failed Legacy of Brown v. Board of Education
A Review by Debra J.
Dickerson May/June 2004 Issue
Charles J. Ogletree Jr.
All Deliberate Speed: Reflections on the
First Half-Century of Brown v. Board of
Education Norton, 2005
Derrick Bell.
Silent Covenants: Brown v. Board of
Education and the Unfulfilled Hopes for
Racial Reform.
Oxford University Press, 2005
* * * * *
|
Chief Justice John Roberts (Community
Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1 and
Meredith v. Jefferson County Board of Education) --
28 June 2007
Racial Integration Has Run Its Course—The
resilience of civil-rights groups is praiseworthy,
but future litigation, even if successful, is not
going to alter the fact that most poor children,
regardless of race, are attending schools that are
not meeting their educational needs. Their dire
condition, and that of the schools they attend, is
not solely the result of an insensitive Supreme
Court majority quite ready to manipulate precedent
to stifle well-intended racial-diversity plans. The
plain fact is that a great many white Americans,
including many with otherwise liberal views on race,
do not want their offspring attending schools with
more than a token number of black and Latino
children. Whatever their status, they do not wish to
be burdened by efforts to correct the results of
racial discrimination that they do not believe they
caused. Their opposition may not be as violent or as
vast as it was during the early years after the
Brown decision, but it is widespread, deeply felt,
and if history is any indication not likely to
change any time soon.
Derrick Bell.
Desegregations Demise.
The
Chronicle of Higher Education
|
* * * * *
No Tears for Brown v
Board of Education—In
1990, after months of interviews with Justice Thurgood
Marshall, who had been the lead lawyer for the N.A.A.C.P.
Legal Defense Fund on the Brown case, I sat in his
Supreme Court chambers with a final question. Almost 40
years later, was he satisfied with the outcome of the
decision? Outside the courthouse, the failing Washington
school system was hypersegregated, with more than 90
percent of its students black and Latino. Schools in the
surrounding suburbs, meanwhile, were mostly white and
producing some of the top students in the nation. Had
Mr. Marshall, the lawyer, made a mistake by insisting on
racial integration instead of improvement in the quality
of schools for black children? His response was that
seating black children next to white children in school
had never been the point. It had been necessary only
because all-white school boards were generously
financing schools for white children while leaving black
students in overcrowded, decrepit buildings with
hand-me-down books and underpaid teachers. He had wanted
black children to have the right to attend white schools
as a point of leverage over the biased spending patterns
of the segregationists who ran schools — both in the 17
states where racially separate schools were required by
law and in other states where they were a matter of
culture.— Juan
Williams Don’t Mourn Brown v. Board of Education July
2007
Education & History
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Conservative Justices
Corrode Brown Decision—For
more than half a century, the moral compass of
1954’s Brown v. Board of Education has guided our
nation toward integration and equal treatment. The
Court's conservative bloc has led us backwards. The
5-4 decision included Justices Roberts, Thomas,
Scalia, Kennedy, and Alito. Chief Justice John
Roberts, writing the majority opinion, said that
schools should use factors other than race to
achieve racial inclusion. Roberts wrote: “[In Brown]
it was not the inequality of facilities but the fact
of legally separating children based on race on
which the Court relied to find a constitutional
violation.” This is a disingenuous use of Brown
against desegregation efforts. As they were 50 years
ago, racial segregation and unequal facilities
remain closely linked. In California, for example, a
state that ranks number one in school segregation
among Blacks and Latinos, 75 percent of high school
seniors of color will not complete the courses they
need to enroll in the state’s public colleges.
The Applied Research Center July
2007 |
* * * * *
|
A Dream Deferred—On
June 28, three years after the 50th anniversary
of Brown v. Board of Education, the U.S.
Supreme Court subverted Brown’s meaning to block
public school integration plans. As a result,
boards of education across the country, which
have used racial criteria to reduce segregation,
must undo their efforts or themselves be branded
as racial discriminators. . . . The 1955
Brown decision came after a 20-year
campaign of sustained litigation that was
supported by massive organizing and that was
finally backed by a Justice Department brief
that argued segregation could cause the country
to lose its contest with the Soviet Union for
the hearts and minds of the Third World. Relying
on the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th
Amendment, which was passed after the Civil War
to ensure former slaves equal rights, the
Supreme Court weakened state-enforced
segregation in public settings through Brown
and a series of subsequent cases.
Despite gains made in the South after Brown
and as a result of intense pressure from
courageous civil rights activists, which led to
the passage of federal laws between 1964 and
1968, desegregation fell into full retreat mode.
The Court determined in 1974 that school
segregation in the north was an acceptable
consequence of segregated housing patterns and
geo-political boundaries. Now, with their June
28 decision in Parents Involved in Community
Schools v. Seattle School District No.1, the
four justices who comprise the Court’s
right-wing bloc, with the concurrence of the
more mainstream conservative Justice Anthony
Kennedy, have taken what may be the final step
in making Brown obsolete. The court
condemned the modest attempts by the Seattle and
Jefferson County (Louisville), Ky., boards of
education to voluntarily reduce segregation by
employing race-conscious integration plans.—Lewis
M. Steel.
In These Times |
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|
Discourse on "re-segregation."—I
am thoroughly convinced that what is wrong with
education—its
tendency to coerce rather than facilitate
learning, its tendency to push people toward
accepting the status quo and fitting into the
existing social order rather than thinking
critically and questioning accepted notions—is
wrong for everyone. The implications of these
faults of schooling differ depending on one's
position in that social order. Real critical
thinking skills are seldom effectively taught
since they are hard to measure. We need to be
looking at how education will help to prepare
young people to be meaningful parts of their
community's future, but to do this, we have to
have some sense of what their community's future
is.
The "new economic
order" just doesn't cut it for me. The gap
between the haves and the have-nots cannot keep
getting wider while we destroy the planet and
anger and alienate most of the people in the
world by trying to twist every human
relationship into something from which a few
powerful people can make ever growing profits.
We have got to find -- no, we have got to create
a better way. Schooling should play an important
role in this, but not simply by virtue of giving
diverse groups opportunities to study with and
play with each other. The children of slaves and
slave masters sometimes played together, but
everyone came to know their place. The fact that
they played together did not change the social
order then, nor will it now, not unless we take
up the task of social change consciously. . . .
Many people might
not realize that the young people in Wilmington,
NC, whose struggle led to the disturbances that
created the Wilmington 10 case in the early '70s
were fighting against the closing of their black
school and forced integration. Gary Orfield and
Jonathan Kozol learned nothing about the needs
and aspiration of blacks from that. Maybe they
haven't even heard about the yearlong school
boycott and independent schooling that developed
in Hyde County, NC around the closing of black
schools due to integration. They would do well
to follow me around and talk to some of the
folks they dismiss as incapable of advocating
for their own children.
I tire of hearing
people talk about the resegregation of schools
being a betrayal of the struggle for integrated
education that required so much sacrifice by so
many. I was one of those who sacrificed a
portion of my youth in that effort.
Ed
Whitfield. A Different View on School
Desegregation.
Huffington Post |
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updated 6 October 2007
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