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The elections last Tuesday spoke to a limited and very short-term victory for

the Bush administration. The temptation in the media to simplify the message of

the mid-term elections and to glorify the electoral win as a national mandate

does a true disservice to journalism.

 

 

The Fight for Global Justice

Remarks Before National Press Club

November 12, 2002

By Danny Glover

Board Chairman of TransAfrica

 

Thank you, Ladies and Gentlemen. I appreciate that warm welcome. I would like to take a moment to thank National Press Club President John Aubuchon, the officers, Melinda Cooke and especially Askia Muhammad for the gracious invitation to address the National Press Club Newsmaker Luncheon today. Many of you might be familiar with TransAfrica from the days of the Free South Africa Movement in the 1980s, or the trailblazing path the organization set in raising awareness of the plight of Haitian refugees and U.S. policy toward Haiti in the 1990s. TransAfrica's first president and founder, the visionary Randall Robinson, truly defined the institution and was the face of TransAfrica Forum. But when Randall moved on after being at the helm for 25 years, we were confronted with something new and daunting. It is called change.

A dynamic leader stepped up to the plate to boldly help define and shepherd our work in a complex and different moment. Beginning his tenure as President early this year, Bill Fletcher Jr., comes to TransAfrica with more than 20 years experience as a labor leader and organizer. Harvard trained, he is both an intellectual and activist who believes that his job is not to promote himself or even the institution. Through a range of partnerships and alliances, he and the organization are dedicated to building new possibilities for change. Bill is marshalling the resources we need to realize the vision of an organization with global justice as the mandate.

The task is immense. As was noted in the introductions, Bill is here with us today at the head table and will join me during the question and answer period to engage you further and to elaborate on the mandate before TransAfrica Forum. We are determined to inject an informed African-American perspective into policy discussions and to challenge prevailing assumptions about the world and our place in it. Part of TransAfrica Forum's mission is to bring more people and more ideas to the table of U.S. foreign policy.

The world we lived in when TransAfrica was launched back in 1977 was very different. The enemy was obvious and indisputable. Literally, the battle was painted in the stark hues of black and white. We could train a spotlight on the South African apartheid regime and galvanize a movement. The goals seemed clear and straightforward; the results easy to measure. Today, as we move ever closer to war with Iraq and our government wields unparalleled military might - proclaiming itself the uncontested empire with the power to impose its will any where at any time - TransAfrica Forum has huge, new challenges. It is important for those of you in the media to understand that people are groping for answers.

The elections last Tuesday spoke to a limited and very short-term victory for the Bush administration. The temptation in the media to simplify the message of the mid-term elections and to glorify the electoral win as a national mandate does a true disservice to journalism. The notion of preeminent domination with no accountability, checks, or balances will have disastrous consequences - not only for the people of Iraq when and if the Bush administration strikes there - but for all of us, here in the United States and around the world. To answer terrorism and tyrants with global, unilateral military domination sets in motion a devastating spiral. Only clear and strong voices - in the media and in the national discourse - can stop this spiral.

There is a need like never before to speak truth to power. And there is also a desire for collective action. Our mission at TransAfrica is to engage people, primarily people from Africa and the Diaspora in the United States - but all people - around the questions 'why is foreign policy important' and 'how can it make a difference in our lives.'

On September 11th - the relevance of foreign policy - in tragic and catastrophic ways - crashed at our front door. We believe with organizing, education, coalition building, and action, TransAfrica can bring issues from across the globe to our front door and help our constituents understand that these issues matter in the same way that taxes matter and combating crime on our streets matter. The goal is to create a just, safe, and sustainable planet, not only for us, but also for people around the world. This is not charity or altruism. Peace, security, and justice are in our collective self-interest.

Someone asked me recently how I became involved with TransAfrica Forum. I trace my political interest in Africa back to when I heard the legendary South African artist Miriam Makeba for the first time. She and trumpeter Hugh Masekela burst on the music scene at a time when Black people in the U.S. were starting to become more aware of their African heritage. The couple brought the sound of the South African townships to the world stage. Most of us knew little about South African apartheid at that point. But we were eager students. My first antiapartheid protest was in 1969.

As a college student, my own budding political sensibility was excited also by the literature of that era about the African liberation movement. I was strongly influenced by the revolutionary fervor of great thinkers who became statesmen, such as Kwame Nkrumah, who was known, along with W.E. B. Dubois as a pioneer of Pan-Africanism and presided over Ghana's independence movement; Leopold Sédar Senghor, who helped found the Negritude movement -- which he defined as "the totality of the cultural values of the Black world" -- and was elected president of Senegal in 1960; and Kenneth Kaunda, the founding president of Zambia who supported the liberation of neighboring states in southern Africa.

They fed my hunger for a fundamental connection to Africa. And thus began my quest. In the mid-'70's, I began to perform the works of Athol Fugard, a white South African playwright whose material was banned in his homeland because he delved into the psychological devastation of apartheid. I began to realize that theater and acting could raise awareness - and as a member of the African Liberation Support Committee - could raise money as well.

I have performed Fugard's work in community and regional theater, and on and off Broadway. Plays such as the Blood Knot, Sizwe Bansi Is Dead, The Island, Boesman and Lena, and Master Harold … and the Boys put a face on life in apartheid South Africa. This brings me to where we are now.

I am committed to not being a lone voice in the wilderness. I took on the chairmanship of TransAfrica Forum because I understand the power of institutions. I see the organization as an opportunity to make change, build alliances, and forge new activism. We are deeply involved in connecting with the student movement and creating a vibrant youth arm of TransAfrica because we believe that is our true assurance of a future. We are also partnering with youth and students, labor organizations, academics, community activists, and individuals whose interests converge with TransAfrica's. Ours is a multi-prong agenda that will build upon a set of interconnected core principles that Bill Fletcher has labeled DARAS: D-A-R-A-S. It spells nothing but means a great deal:

D is for Debt relief. The possibilities for democracy, justice and a future for countries in the global South are being strangled by debt repayment policies imposed by international financial institutions with no regard for stability, rationality, or fairness. Take the example of the democratically elected government of South Africa. Right now, that nation is paying on loans that were incurred by the same apartheid system that denied the South African majority the right to vote and participate as equal citizens. It is the debt that is a major obstacle to reconstruction and development of South Africa's national infrastructure.

A is for AIDS. This pandemic has ravaged a continent that is being held hostage by pharmaceutical genocide. How would we respond if a virus were claiming the lives of 15,000 American citizens every month and treatment existed but was being denied to those who needed it? About one quarter of South Africans are HIV positive. Yet, the wealthy, multinational pharmaceutical corporations resist making medications more accessible. It was not until pressure mounted from the international human rights community that some relief was granted. But the need remains monumental. The continuing toll could wipe out an entire generation.

R is for Reparations. Most of you are familiar with the push for domestic reparations for citizens in the U.S. who are the descendants of Africans who were enslaved here. While we support that movement, TransAfrica Forum takes a global stand on reparations that goes back 500 years to the African continent. We cannot divorce ourselves from the role the United States and Europe has played in the devastation of Africa itself.

This is a long historical trail beginning with the slave trade, colonialism, neocolonialism, the cold war, and now the new globalism. I point to the examples of Angola and the Congo. One nation ravaged by war the other by tyrant - both financed and supported by the United States government and its European allies. This is not about a check, but it is about righting the wrongs of a succession of U.S. administrations and policies.

A is for Agricultural Subsidies. Something is wrong with the picture when a scheme is in place that makes U.S. agriculture king around the world. For instance, it is cheaper for Jamaica, with its great potential to cultivate a bountiful breadbasket, to purchase Florida fruits than it is to grow and sell its own domestic crops.

S is for Sovereignty. It is a fundamental right of all nations to determine their own economies - not dictated by the genius of the International Monetary Fund or George W. Bush - based on their own needs and democratic aspirations. Our work around Haitian sovereignty embodies this principle. Right now, the U.S. is blocking $500 million of promised aid to Haiti because it wants to reshape the direction of the democratically elected government there. An array of complex and difficult realities frame the issues in Haiti, and I welcome the opportunity to engage you further on this topic during the question and answer period. Ladies and gentlemen, this is just a glimpse at our priorities. You will hear more from TransAfrica on these issues.

I am excited to work with Bill and my fellow board members who include my mentor and soul traveler Harry Belafonte; celebrated author Walter Mosely; business leader Harriet Michel; economist Julianne Malveaux; educators Johnnetta B. Cole, Manthia Diawara, and Sylvia Hill; lawyer Charles J. Ogletree Jr.; labor leader Patricia A. Ford; and physician James Davis. Together we are charged with the huge but important task of rejuvenating TransAfrica Forum. For those who are interested, you are invited to an open house at TransAfrica Forum's new headquarters. Our publicist Gwen McKinney, who is here, can provide you with the details.

In closing, let me share a few initiatives that we have already embarked upon:

  • The Campaign to Abolish Sweatshops - We are partnering with UNITE and other labor activists and students to expose the exploitation of workers in Africa, the Caribbean and Latin America.

  • The Globalization Monitor, which is designed to offer a major information resource on international financial institutions, multinational corporations, and the governments that support them.

    If you provide Gwen McKinney with your email address, we would be happy to forward you a copy of the inaugural issue.

  • The TransAfrica Forum Scholars' Council, which initiates policy briefs, position papers, and roundtable discussions on health education, labor, women, economics and sustainable development and builds coalitions with trade unions and others.

  • The Southern African Trade Union Leadership Academy is being developed to strengthen the working class movement in that region.

  • In coalition with others, we are undertaking a campaign around Haitian sovereignty.

  • We are in the preliminary stages of planning a hemispheric conference on race and labor, and will continue to find public vehicles to express our opposition to U.S. policy toward Cuba.

  • And, as mentioned earlier, we are beginning a TransAfrica Student Network to mobilize young people around the issues I've discussed and to build a new leadership core for the future of our movement.

We see TransAfrica Forum as a catalyst -- a major center for activism -- that will only be successful by acting in concert with others. We intend to play a significant role in educating and mobilizing the general public - particularly African Americans -- on the economic, political, and moral ramifications of U.S. foreign policy. And we look forward to the very essential task of engaging the media as we take this journey.

With that, Bill Fletcher and I thank you for your attention and welcome your questions.

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Danny Lebern Glover, African American actor and director and activist, was born 22 July 1946 in San Francisco. He is a graduate of San Francisco State University. As a young man he was a member of the Black Panther Party. At the University, he met and married his wife, Asake Bomani, in 1975; they have one child named Mandisa.

Glover received his dramatic training at the American Conservatory Theatre's Black Actors' Workshop. He made his film debut in Escape from Alcatraz (1979). In the early 1980s, Glover made his name portraying characters ranging from the sympathetic in Places in the Heart (1984) to the menacing in Witness (1985) and The Color Purple (1984).

He reached boxoffice gold status with the three Lethal Weapon movies. Glover contributed an amusing cameo in Maverick (1994). That same year Glover made his directorial debut with the Showtime channel short film Override. In 1998, Glover again had his role for Lethal Weapon 4, and that same year gave a stirring performance in the little-seen Beloved. He also joined the ranks of actors such as Humphrey Bogart, Elliot Gould, and Robert Mitchum who have portrayed Raymond Chandler's private eye detective Phillip Marlowe in the episode Red Wind of the Showtime network's 1995 series Fallen Angels.

On January 13, 2010, Glover compared the scale and devastation of the 2010 Haiti earthquake to the predicament other island nations may face as a result of the failed Copenhagen summit the previous year. Glover said: "the threat of what happens to Haiti is a threat that can happen anywhere in the Caribbean to these island nations. . . . They're all in peril because of global warming . . . because of climate change . . . when we did what we did at the climate summit in Copenhagen, this is the response, this is what happens."

Danny Glover has been an outspoken critic of the Iraq war before the war began in March 2003. In February 2003, he was one of the featured speakers at Justin Herman Plaza in San Francisco where other notable speakers included names such as author Alice Walker, singer Joan Baez, United Farm Workers co-founder Dolores Huerta and Rep. Barbara Lee, D-Oakland. Glover was a signatory to the April 2003 anti-war letter "To the Conscience of the World" that criticized the unilateral American invasion of Iraq that led to "massive loss of civilian life" and "devastation of one of the cultural patrimonies of humanity."

On the foreign policy of Obama administration, Glover said: "I think the Obama administration has followed the same playbook, to a large extent, almost verbatim, as the Bush administration. I don’t see anything different... On the domestic side, look here: What’s so clear is that this country from the outset is projecting the interests of wealth and property. Look at the bailout of Wall Street. Why not the bailout of Main Street? He may be just a different face, and that face may happen to be black, and if it were Hillary Clinton, it would happen to be a woman. . . . But what choices do they have within the structure?"


Source: Wikipedia and All Media Guide


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AALBC.com's 25 Best Selling Books


 

Fiction

#1 - Justify My Thug by Wahida Clark
#2 - Flyy Girl by Omar Tyree
#3 - Head Bangers: An APF Sexcapade by Zane
#4 - Life Is Short But Wide by J. California Cooper
#5 - Stackin' Paper 2 Genesis' Payback by Joy King
#6 - Thug Lovin' (Thug 4) by Wahida Clark
#7 - When I Get Where I'm Going by Cheryl Robinson
#8 - Casting the First Stone by Kimberla Lawson Roby
#9 - The Sex Chronicles: Shattering the Myth by Zane

#10 - Covenant: A Thriller  by Brandon Massey

#11 - Diary Of A Street Diva  by Ashley and JaQuavis

#12 - Don't Ever Tell  by Brandon Massey

#13 - For colored girls who have considered suicide  by Ntozake Shange

#14 - For the Love of Money : A Novel by Omar Tyree

#15 - Homemade Loves  by J. California Cooper

#16 - The Future Has a Past: Stories by J. California Cooper

#17 - Player Haters by Carl Weber

#18 - Purple Panties: An Eroticanoir.com Anthology by Sidney Molare

#19 - Stackin' Paper by Joy King

#20 - Children of the Street: An Inspector Darko Dawson Mystery by Kwei Quartey

#21 - The Upper Room by Mary Monroe

#22 – Thug Matrimony  by Wahida Clark

#23 - Thugs And The Women Who Love Them by Wahida Clark

#24 - Married Men by Carl Weber

#25 - I Dreamt I Was in Heaven - The Rampage of the Rufus Buck Gang by Leonce Gaiter

Non-fiction

#1 - Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention by Manning Marable
#2 - Confessions of a Video Vixen by Karrine Steffans
#3 - Dear G-Spot: Straight Talk About Sex and Love by Zane
#4 - Letters to a Young Brother: MANifest Your Destiny by Hill Harper
#5 - Peace from Broken Pieces: How to Get Through What You're Going Through by Iyanla Vanzant
#6 - Selected Writings and Speeches of Marcus Garvey by Marcus Garvey
#7 - The Ebony Cookbook: A Date with a Dish by Freda DeKnight
#8 - The Isis Papers: The Keys to the Colors by Frances Cress Welsing
#9 - The Mis-Education of the Negro by Carter Godwin Woodson

#10 - John Henrik Clarke and the Power of Africana History  by Ahati N. N. Toure

#11 - Fail Up: 20 Lessons on Building Success from Failure by Tavis Smiley

#12 -The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander

#13 - The Black Male Handbook: A Blueprint for Life by Kevin Powell

#14 - The Other Wes Moore: One Name, Two Fates by Wes Moore

#15 - Why Men Fear Marriage: The Surprising Truth Behind Why So Many Men Can't Commit  by RM Johnson

#16 - Black Titan: A.G. Gaston and the Making of a Black American Millionaire by Carol Jenkins

#17 - Brainwashed: Challenging the Myth of Black Inferiority by Tom Burrell

#18 - A New Earth: Awakening to Your Life's Purpose by Eckhart Tolle

#19 - John Oliver Killens: A Life of Black Literary Activism by Keith Gilyard

#20 - Alain L. Locke: The Biography of a Philosopher by Leonard Harris

#21 - Age Ain't Nothing but a Number: Black Women Explore Midlife by Carleen Brice

#22 - 2012 Guide to Literary Agents by Chuck Sambuchino
#23 - Chicken Soup for the Prisoner's Soul by Tom Lagana
#24 - 101 Things Every Boy/Young Man of Color Should Know by LaMarr Darnell Shields

#25 - Beyond the Black Lady: Sexuality and the New African American Middle Class  by Lisa B. Thompson

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Here lies Jim Crow: Civil rights in Maryland

 By C. Fraser Smith

Though he lived throughout much of the South—and even worked his way into parts of the North for a time—Jim Crow was conceived and buried in Maryland. From Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney's infamous decision in the Dred Scott case to Thurgood Marshall's eloquent and effective work on Brown v. Board of Education, the battle for black equality is very much the story of Free State women and men. Here, Baltimore Sun columnist C. Fraser Smith recounts that tale through the stories, words, and deeds of famous, infamous, and little-known Marylanders. He traces the roots of Jim Crow laws from Dred Scott to Plessy v. Ferguson and describes the parallel and opposite early efforts of those who struggled to establish freedom and basic rights for African Americans.

Following the historical trail of evidence, Smith relates latter-day examples of Maryland residents who trod those same steps, from the thrice-failed attempt to deny black people the vote in the early twentieth century to nascent demonstrations for open access to lunch counters, movie theaters, stores, golf courses, and other public and private institutions—struggles that occurred decades before the now-celebrated historical figures strode onto the national civil rights scene.

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Super Rich: A Guide to Having it All

By Russell Simmons

Russell Simmons knows firsthand that wealth is rooted in much more than the stock  market. True wealth has more to do with what's in your heart than what's in your wallet. Using this knowledge, Simmons became one of America's shrewdest entrepreneurs, achieving a level of success that most investors only dream about. No matter how much material gain he accumulated, he never stopped lending a hand to those less fortunate. In Super Rich, Simmons uses his rare blend of spiritual savvy and street-smart wisdom to offer a new definition of wealth-and share timeless principles for developing an unshakable sense of self that can weather any financial storm. As Simmons says, "Happy can make you money, but money can't make you happy."

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The New Jim Crow

Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness

By Michele Alexander

Contrary to the rosy picture of race embodied in Barack Obama's political success and Oprah Winfrey's financial success, legal scholar Alexander argues vigorously and persuasively that [w]e have not ended racial caste in America; we have merely redesigned it. Jim Crow and legal racial segregation has been replaced by mass incarceration as a system of social control (More African Americans are under correctional control today... than were enslaved in 1850). Alexander reviews American racial history from the colonies to the Clinton administration, delineating its transformation into the war on drugs. She offers an acute analysis of the effect of this mass incarceration upon former inmates who will be discriminated against, legally, for the rest of their lives, denied employment, housing, education, and public benefits.

Most provocatively, she reveals how both the move toward colorblindness and affirmative action may blur our vision of injustice: most Americans know and don't know the truth about mass incarceration—but her carefully researched, deeply engaging, and thoroughly readable book should change that.—Publishers Weekly

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Lift Every Voice and Sing

A Celebration of the Negro National Anthem; 100 Years, 100 Voices

Edited by Julian Bond and Sondra K. Wilson

Pasted into Bibles, schoolbooks, and hearts, "Lift Every Voice and Sing," written by J. Rosamond Johnson and James Weldon Johnson in 1900, has become one of the most beloved songs in the African American community—taught for years in schools, churches, and civic organizations. Adopted by the NAACP as its official song in the 1920s and sung throughout the civil rights movement, it is still heard today at gatherings across America.

James Weldon Johnson's lyrics pay homage to a history of struggle but never waver from a sense of optimism for the future—"facing the rising sun of our new day begun, let us march on till victory is won." Its message of hope and strength has made "Lift Every Voice and Sing" a source of inspiration for generations.

In celebration of the song's centennial, Julian Bond and Sondra Kathryn Wilson have collected one hundred essays by artists, educators, politicians, and activists reflecting on their personal experiences with the song. Also featuring photos from historical archives, Lift Every Voice and Sing is a moving illustration of the African American experience in the past century.

With contributors including John Hope Franklin, Jesse Jackson, Maya Angelou, Norman Lear, Maxine Waters, and Percy Sutton, this volume is a personal tribute to the enduring power of an anthem. "Lift Every Voice and Sing" has touched the hearts of many who have heard it because its true aim, as Harry Belafonte explains, "isn't just to show life as it is but to show life as it should be."

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Faces At The Bottom of the Well: The Permanence of Racism

By Derrick Bell

In nine grim metaphorical sketches, Bell, the black former Harvard law professor who made headlines recently for his one-man protest against the school's hiring policies, hammers home his controversial theme that white racism is a permanent, indestructible component of our society. Bell's fantasies are often dire and apocalyptic: a new Atlantis rises from the ocean depths, sparking a mass emigration of blacks; white resistance to affirmative action softens following an explosion that kills Harvard's president and all of the school's black professors; intergalactic space invaders promise the U.S. President that they will clean up the environment and deliver tons of gold, but in exchange, the bartering aliens take all African Americans back to their planet. Other pieces deal with black-white romance, a taxi ride through Harlem and job discrimination.

Civil rights lawyer Geneva Crenshaw, the heroine of Bell's And We Are Not Saved (1987), is back in some of these ominous allegories, which speak from the depths of anger and despair. Bell now teaches at New York University Law School.—Publishers Weekly

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The White Masters of the World

From The World and Africa, 1965

By W. E. B. Du Bois

W. E. B. Du Bois’ Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization (Fletcher)

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Ancient African Nations

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The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan  The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll  Only a Pawn in Their Game

Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for Slavery / George Jackson  / Hurricane Carter

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The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg

The Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804  / January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of Haiti 

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update 21 July 2012

 

 

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