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Folk Life in Black and White
By Milton Meltzer
Something new began for black people with the
election of FDR. Presidents before him had occasionally asked
advice from black leaders. But now, for the first time, blacks
entered federal agencies in increasing numbers. Highly trained
men and women took part as advisers in race relations and soon
showed that they could do far more. Called the "Black
Cabinet," they pressed in every possible way for economic
and political equality. their prime goal was jobs in government
and industry on the basis of ability and training--not color.
As a result, about 26 percent of the workers
on WPA projects in the South were black. In the country as a
whole, about 16 percent were black. in the South, they were paid
less than whites, but even their lowest pay rate was higher than
most blacks were earning from private industry. The WPA gave
jobs to black professional and white-collar workers, too.
Actors, artists, musicians, and writers were among those able to
use their talent and skills, especially on the big-city
projects. By 1939, more than a million blacks were earning their
living from WPA.
Recalling those times, Horace Cayton, the
black sociologist who headed a WPA research project, said:
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In spite of the Depression, there was
hope. Great hope, even though the people suffered. to be
without money is a disgrace in America today. the middle
class looks upon welfare Negroes as morally corrupt
because they haven't worked. But in the Depression,
there were so many whites who were on relief.
So the Negro would look, and he
wouldn't see any great difference. Oh, there was a
difference: a disproportion of Negroes on labor than on
skilled jobs in WPA. But if Negroes were on relief, so
where whites: we're gonna have a better day. That was
the feeling. . . . You worked, you got a paycheck and
you had some dignity. All the songs they used to have
about WPA:
I went to the poll line and voted
And I know I voted the right way
So I'm askin' you, Mr. President
Don't take away this W P and A.
When they got on WPA, you know what
they'd mostly do. First, buy some clothes. And tried to
get a little better place to live. The third thing, was
to get your teeth fixed. When you're poor you let let
your teeth go. . . . WPA . . . There was some humanity
then. . . . |
The writers project appointed Sterling A. Brown the national
editor of Negro affairs and made the novelist and poet Arna
Bontemps a supervisor in Chicago. Among other blacks on the
project were Claude McKay, Richard Wright, William Attaway, Roi
Ottley, Margaret Walker, Robert Hayden, Zora Neale Hurston,
Frank Yerby, Fenton Johnson, Ralph Ellison, and John H. Johnson
(who later became publisher of Ebony and Black World magazines.
Richard Wright was the son of an illiterate Mississippi
sharecropper. his formal schooling ended in the ninth grade. He
went to Chicago at the age of nineteen, where he worked as a
porter, dishwasher, substitute postal clerk, insurance agent,
hospital orderly, and street sweeper. Wright's early poems and
stories, published in radical magazines, won attention. he
joined a group of black writers who met to read manuscripts and
discuss craft problems. In 1936 he left the relief rolls to join
the WPA, first on the Federal Theatre Project and soon on the
Federal writers project, where he met Nelson Algren.
On the project, Wright's assignment was researching the black
history of Chicago and Illinois. He was one of forty field
workers digging up such facts for the Illinois guidebook. He
went to the office twice a week to report his findings and to
get a new assignment. late in 1936, Wright's "Big Boy"
story was published in the anthology New Caravan, and was
highly praised. he was reclassified on the WPA as a group
coordinator at $115 a month.
In the spring of 1937, he left Chicago for New York, but was
unable to effect a transfer to the writers project there until
the end of the year. meanwhile he became the Harlem reporter for
the Daily Worker. Back again on the WPA, he wrote the
detailed, factual section on Harlem for the New York City Guide
and the more comprehensive and interpretive chapter called
"Portrait of Harlem" in New York Panorama. In
1938, Wright won Story magazine's $500 prize for the best
work submitted by anyone on the writers project. When Native
Son was published, its guaranteed success (it was the first
novel by a black to be made a Book-of-the-Month Club selection),
together with the award of a Guggenheim Fellowship he received,
enabled Wright to quit the WPA.
Introduced to Wright by Langston Hughes, Ralph Ellison, with
Wright's aid, got a job on the New York project in 1938. With
the time and energy left him after WPA hours, Ellison wrote some
stories and started a novel. (his Invisible man is considered
one of the most important novels of our time.) His WPA research
assignments ranged from black history to urban folklore and
famous trails. He stayed with the project for four years, until
it closed in 1942.
The older, more experienced black writers also profited by
their WPA jobs. The project gave them an anchor in a time of
despair. Bontemps, for instance, published his third novel, Drums
at Dusk, while on the WPA; McKay was able to use research
gathered on the job for his book Harlem: Negro Metropolis;
and Hurston issued three books while on the Florida project.
But even more significant was the impetus given to serious
black studies by the writers project. there were many black
writers who needed work, and Alsberg hoped to engage them in the
task of depicting the role of blacks in American life. Sterling
A. Brown, teacher, editor, poet, and critics, took charge,
enlisting the aid of many black and white experts. His office
gave advice, and it planned and edited
materials on black life. In addition to what appeared about
blacks in the state and local guides, brown's office saw to it
that special studies were undertaken and published, such as Drums
and Shadows: Survival Studies among the Georgia Coastal Negroes
and The Negro in Virginia.
While Alsberg's national staff backed the work of Brown's
office, on the local projects (North as well as South) blacks
constantly struggled against discrimination and the threat of
pink slips. As everywhere else, they were usually the last to be
hired and the first to be fired.
The most valuable work in black studies was the gathering of
interviews with ex-slaves. in a massive undertaking, about 300
WPA interviewers collected some 2,300 interviews with ex-slaves
in seventeen states. The number interviewed is estimated to be
about 2 percent of the total ex-slave population still alive at
that time. About two-thirds of those interviewed were eighty or
older; many were past ninety or a hundred. In 1865, at the time
of Emancipation, the age of those interviewed had been from one
to fifty. the slave experience they talked about was mainly that
of childhood.
Lawrence D. Riddick was one of the people who did the most to
launch the interviewing of ex-slaves. Teaching black history at
Kentucky State College, he believed the truth about slavery and
Reconstruction could not be fully known or understood
"until we get the view as presented through the slave
himself." That evidence had begun to appear as early
as the eighteenth century, when the first American slave
narratives were published. between 1830 and the Civil War there
were hundreds more of these autobiographical accounts by
fugitive slaves, most of them issued by abolitionists who wanted
to challenge the benevolent portrait of slavery drawn by its
apologists.
The 1930s revived interest in accounts of slave life.
Historians and sociologists recognized the number of ex-slaves
was rapidly diminishing. Now was the time to get the testimony
of those who still survived. Scholars such as W.E.B. DuBois and
Carter G. Woodson were leaders of a new black generation
contesting the old sympathetic view of slavery. people who had
swallowed punch concocted by such white historians as Ulrich B.
Phillips needed an emetic. There was a call for studies of
slavery written from the standpoint of the slave.
The first attempts to secure interviews with ex-slaves were
made in 1929 through independent projects at Fisk and other
Southern universities. With the advent of the New Deal Reddick,
who had taken part in the work at Fisk, made a pilot interview
study with federal support. When the writers project was
launched, John A. Lomax, a white Southerner who had made great
contributions to folklore research, was asked to direct Southern
work in his field. He introduced the interview method of
collecting folklore and life histories. the oral history
technique was applied not only to the ex-slaves but to studies
of pioneers in Texas and Kansas and to the people of the
Southeastern states.
Although Brown's office urged the hiring of qualified black
writers, Washington headquarters had no control over personnel
policy in the states. the result was that several Southern
states hired whites only. But in others--especially Arkansas,
Florida, Louisiana, and Virginia--separate black units were
established, whose energy was devoted chiefly to research in
black culture.
The WPA collection of ex-slaves' reminiscences began
sporadically in the south. A concerted regional effort was not
made until April, 1937, when a sampling of interviews forwarded
from the Florida project so impressed John Lomax that he
proposed this work be done on a systematic basis in all the
Southern and border states. Lomax's instructions to the field
insisted upon the importance of recording interviews exactly as
given--with no censorship.
Lomax had no control over hiring or assignments, and the
great majority of the interviewers were white. their biases and
methods violated sound interview procedure. the whites, as can
be realized from the transcripts, were often patronizing,
condescending, and sometimes insulting. the result could be
stock responses, evasive answers, or compliant "yassuhs."
Occasionally, white interviewers revealed both sensitivity and
insight in their interview technique. In places like Florida,
where the interviewers were engaged, candid, direct, deep
feelings were openly expressed.
Objectively considered, the ex-slave interviews share the
usual shortcomings of many historical sources. But, as the
historian C. Cann Woodward wrote of them, they
"nevertheless have an unusual character. Confusing and
contradictory as they are, they represent the voices of the
normally voiceless, the inarticulate masses whose silence
historians are forever lamenting." The evidence they
provide, he said, obliges historians to reexamine many old
questions and assumptions about the work ethic of slaves,
master-slave relationships, slave religion, slave attitudes
toward white society, intermarriage, and the profound historical
experiences of Emancipation and Reconstruction.
When the project interviewing ended early in 1939, the
records lay unused in state archives. Benjamin A. Botkin, the
folklorist who succeeded Lomax, had the interviews assembled in
typescript and deposited in the Library of Congress in 1941. In
1945 he published his own brief selection from them in the
volume Lay My Burden Down: A Folk History of Slavery. Even
though that book directed scholars' attention tot he archives in
Washington, until recently, historians tended to neglect
them.
Not until 1972 did a publisher (Greenwood) print a set of
nineteen volumes containing both the WPA and the Fisk
interviews. Since then, a careful search of WPA materials in
Mississippi archives has turned up nearly 2,000 additional pages
of ex-slave interviews, apparently never forwarded to
Washington. perhaps still more treasure remains to be discovered
in other state files. Source: Milton Meltzer. Violins & Shovels: The WPA Arts
Projects. New York: Delacorte Press, 1976.
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updated 13 October 2007 |