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Fourth World: Marxist Gandhian Environmentalist . . .
By Rajinder
Chaudhary
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The idea of the 'Fourth World' as enunciated by M P Parameswaran, a leading thinker from Kerala, is a new concept of a post-capitalist society. It can form the basis for Marxists, Gandhians, environmentalists, feminists, socialists, dalits and peace activists to work together. It offers a theoretical space for all these movements. |
In February 2004,
Dr. M.P. Parameswaran was expelled from CPI (M)
[Communist Party of India (Marxist)]. Widely known as
MP, without ever having been a Member of Parliament, Dr. Parameswaran about four decades ago quit his job as a
nuclear scientist in the nuclear establishment of India
soon after coming back from USSR after a three year
stay. Since then he has been full time into various
movements for social change. He has played a leading
role in number of movements and organizations, at least
two of which have received international recognition in
the form of UNESCO awards—Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad
(KSSP) and
Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti (BGVS)—and in All
India People’s Science Network (AIPSN).
He was expelled
from the Party for propounding an ‘unmarxist’ concept of
‘Fourth World’. The concept, first put forth in 1998,
caused controversy in
Kerala in 2003. There was massive
debate about it in media and subsequently he was
expelled. Post-expulsion, he had elaborated and expanded
his views and published a booklet in Malayalam, which
has gone into number of reprints. Now, an English
translation of this document, more than 40,000 words
long, “Thoughts about a Fourth World,” is circulating on
the net.
In the aftermath of breakdown of the USSR, this is a
major alternative vision document to come from within
the Indian mainstream Left. Given his stature and fact
that post-expulsion too he continues to play a leading
role in above organisations, his vision is likely to
have a far reaching, though perhaps quite, influence.
Forth World aims to provide an ‘ideological document
which evaluate(s) the failure of the socialist
experiments and . . . provide(s) a sound foundation of
economics, politics and ethics for a new society’. It
identifies ‘three important reasons for (break up of the
USSR): economic centralization, political centralization
and distorted view of progress.’ Its vision of future
world is based on ‘necessity of: participatory
democracy, an alternative view of progress, and an
alternative approach towards the progress of productive
forces, technology’.
Need for ‘participatory democracy’ is often recognised
but even theories promoting ‘rectified socialism’ have
not been “able to get out of technology fetishism and
unlimited growth syndrome”. Taking ‘an alternative view
of progress, and an alternative approach towards the
progress of productive forces’ is a distinctive feature
of the concept of the Fourth World. It notes that “Under
communism, at least as conceived by the 20th
century experimenters, the productive forces
would have developed to such high levels that there is
an abundance of each and every commodity, that everybody
can have everything they want and hence there is no
necessity for competition. The State can, consequently
wither away.” Fourth World rejects this possibility and
visualises future society ‘with out such abundance’.
The sketch of future society, particularly economy is
nearer the Gandhian vision. Fourth World is to ‘be a
network of hundreds of thousands local communities which
are increasingly becoming self-sufficient.’ It
seeks to localise material production as far as possible
and to decentralise economy by decentralising “(i)
spatial habitat pattern (ii) spatial distribution of
resources and (iii) distribution of the control over
resources.” This it is argued is essential because only
by having a ‘human scale of polity and economy’ can
participatory democracy flourish. To this end, it makes
a case for harnessing modern technology to make ‘small
powerful too’. In the Fourth World material progress is
to be reflected in ‘continuous reduction in working
hours and increase in leisure’. This is based on the
understanding that ‘correlation between per capita GNP’
and even ‘life expectation is very weak’. International
data and Kerala experience is cited to show that high
levels of life expectation and education are possible
with comparatively very low levels of income’.
However, his discussion of ‘economic structure’ is quite
weak. It focuses on ‘characteristics’ and not on
‘structures’. Section on economics extensively cites
Michael Albert’s
Parecon: Life after Capitalism
wherein for managing large scale industries
‘Representatives of Workers Councils and Consumers’
Councils’ reminiscent of Yugoslav system are suggested.
Some of the other propositions cited are: ‘Means of
production will not be owned by anybody. It will not
come into the picture of the value of the product’; ‘Remuneration
will be calculated not on the basis of production but on
the basis of effort and sacrifice’. Discussion of
economic aspects of the Fourth World has many such
aspects, which do not make economic sense. It is the
weakest part of the whole argument.
Moreover, discussion often implies absolute
deprivation/worsening of situation for majority of
people within the present/capitalist system and not just
increased relative inequality for majority and absolute
worsening for some. It results in a reading where
‘majority has nothing to lose but their chains’. Can one
say that the majority of
Kerala population (or
Dalits)
have not experienced any improvement in their life?
Fortunately, these formulations are not essential
ingredients of the Fourth World, which can stand with
out these.
The political structure of the Fourth World is premised
on ‘citizens ability and willingness to participate in
socio-political activities.’ It views politics to be
‘too important to be left alone with career
politicians.’ So, political structure goes deeper than
even
Panchayats. It is based on ‘neighbourhood groups
consisting of 20-30 proximate households of 60-80
citizens (voters). Beyond the size of 60-80 direct,
democracy is viewed to be unwieldy. Formations of larger
number of citizens can be only representative’.
Inversion of power pyramid—where only delegated
functions move up and residual powers rest with the
grassroots—has often been suggested.
But Fourth World has two innovative provisions. One, ‘in
all representative formations, representation will be
always done by a pair of one woman and one man’.
Secondly, electors shall make all higher-level
nominations not ‘from among themselves but from
citizens’ residing in that area.
Document does not stop with sketching an outline of the
Fourth World. It also suggests a programme of action
which is based on the understanding that a “new world is
not the result of one single creative act—call it
revolution, call it change. It is an evolutionary
product, a product of hundreds of thousands of small and
big, local and wide spread struggles, a product of meso
and macro creations, a product of making and breaking of
mutual faiths and alliances. . . . The experiments will
challenge the existing systems, but will still be
conducted within it.”
Future action plan consists of two components, direct
and indirect struggles. Direct component includes
economic boycott of not only MNC [multinational
corporation} products but the
‘reactionary strength of national large scale
manufacturers will [also] be checked using the same
techniques used against foreign transnationals—boycott
and local substitutes”. It goes on to describe a
strategy to handle three main obstacles in promotion of
local products: ‘Paucity of good quality
alternatives, weakness of marketing mechanism for
alternative products and entrenched consumerism brought
about by the media’.
But it does not stop at struggle from the outside and,
in the Gandhian mode, it also suggests indirect mode of
struggle, where in those “who are employed in State
institutions from panchayat to national government can
use their own office files as a weapon to fight the
class enemies. Each issue, each file, will have a class
content in it…. This is the meaning of a united front of
all the exploited.” Those ‘in S&T research and
development [segment can engage in] activities to make
small powerful.
The People’s Science Movement [should] consider this as
their primary responsibility’. For teachers he suggests
another battlefront: “The political struggle of teachers
has to be expressed in their classroom transactions [not
just outside classrooms!].”
However, as an analytical concept, Fourth World has
number of loose ends. While it is open to ‘enrichment’
of Marxism, which may involve criticism and correction
but these terms are not used in this document. While it
critiques ‘official interpretations of Marxism’, it does
not explore if these official interpretations have some
basis in Marxism. It asks, “Where did the Russian and
other communist parties go wrong? In interpreting
Marxism? Or in the practice of Marxism?” It does not
even recognise the possibility that Marxism itself could
be wrong/ inadequate. Over all, explanation of break
down of USSR in terms of neglect of cultural development
of Soviet Citizen and ‘distorted view of progress’ is
quite inadequate.
Moreover, while vision of the ‘Fourth World’ is called
‘pre-socialist’ the term ‘socialism’ has nowhere been
defined. It is amply clear that for the Fourth World
‘socialism’ does not mean state ownership of the means
of production. So, what is meant by socialism,
particularly in terms of economic structure and not just
in terms of achievements/results needs to be explained.
This has not been done.
It is important as in the light of distinction made by
Engels between ‘Utopian’ and ‘Scientific’ socialism,
unqualified, ‘socialism’ usually stands for so called
‘scientific socialism’. Next, there seems to be a search
for a perfect system. In the Fourth World the ‘interest
of the individual and of the community become harmonized
and the necessity of State vanishes’, there is a
‘transition from competition to cooperation’ and ‘each
member of the society has enough wisdom for
self-control’. Rather than seek a conflict less ideal
society, shouldn’t we be satisfied with a society where
basic needs of all are met in a sustainable manner,
conflicts are minimised, and a functional system exists
to see that these conflicts do not go out of hand?
Uncritical application of Marxism has reflection in
understanding of ‘capitalism’. This fairly detailed
monograph has no word of appreciation for any aspect of
capitalism and market forces. It blandly says that, “Sanitized
or Human- faced capitalism” is “a semantic
absurdity, to say the least. Capitalism per se cannot
have a human face.” Why ‘welfare state’ is considered to
be an exception incompatible with ‘capitalism’ is not
elaborated.
‘Capitalist’ societies are not devoid of
‘fellow-feeling’ as is often made out to be. Perhaps
‘capitalism’ was/is victim of similar ‘distorted view of
progress’, that plagued ‘socialism’. Ideology of
‘capitalism’ is not indifferent to poverty and
deprivation; it suggests a different strategy (which
does not seem to work is another matter) to handle this.
Moreover, why seek to do away with markets and profit
all together? Certainly in deciding location of a shop
or a factory, cost, demand and viability considerations
should play an important role. The problem is serious
and deep rooted. Fourth World reproduces the following
quotation form
Che Guevera:
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It is not at all possible
to speak about expanding trade [between USSR
and Third World countries] as for ‘mutual
benefit’ when the trade is based on values
dictated by uneven development of productive
forces. The world market price is dictated
by the mechanized factory production. To
ascribe the same value for the labour of
underdeveloped nations is not for mutual
benefit. If socialist countries establish
such relations with underdeveloped
countries, it will have to be accepted that
they too are partners in imperialist
exploitation. |
What else can be the basis of trade? Else, it will be
aid and not trade. But in a way
Che Guevera cannot be
faulted because Marxist analysis otherwise calls it
exploitation. This contradiction can be resolved by
recognising inadequacy/errors of Marxism. Further, the
question of inefficiency of ‘public sector’ is not
considered at all and no suggestions are made in this
regard. Today, one has to convince people that public
sector can be made to work
However, it is quite a comprehensive document and
discusses wide range of issues, though not with uniform
rigour. While it does have misplaced arguments like
“Sexual relationship is purely a biological act”, it
also has number of valuable insights, or at least
beautifully put ideas. To wit:
?? “There have
been arguments within almost all communist parties about
the concept of an ‘Ideal Communist’ and of a ‘Pragmatic
Communist’. In the struggle, the ideal communists lose,
perhaps not because of their idealism, but because of
its degeneration into formalism and organizationalism
and often fundamentalism. The pragmatists survive, but
in the process become more and more ‘pragmatic’ and in
the end become one with the public—not like fish in the
water, but water itself.”
?? “Propensity
for cooperation too is a genetically inherited quality.”
“This was an essential element of human evolution. The
species could not have survived without cooperation.
Variants with less ability for cooperation became
extinct. Collectivity is an evolutionary feature.”
?? It has
suggested number of alternative and innovative indices
to measure physical and spiritual quality of life. These
include Wastage Index, Dehumanization Index,
Participation Index, Emancipation Index and Recycling
Index. Construction of these indices is discussed in
detail and hence these can be debated. For example, it
suggests that “If we divide the total expenditure on
police, jail, courts, military, and administration by
the total expenditure on education and health care, we
get a quantity which can be termed as ‘dehumanization
index’."
While this may be all right for the time being but
eventually health expenditure like expenditure on
pollution control should go down. So, health and
education cannot be equated. Anyway, visions and
ideologies can neither be discarded nor developed in one
go. But with the Fourth World, post-Soviet gestation
period within Indian Left is perhaps coming to an end.
It has brought out into the open and given a theoretical
form to what was perhaps already changing in praxis of
mainstream Indian Left. (Even party programme of the CPI
(M) [Communist Party of India (Marxist)] does not call for abolition of private property.)
This has been done without disowning as well as without
defending the Marxist/Soviet path all the way.
Fourth World is offered as ‘one concept of a
post-capitalist society’ with the recognition that
‘there could be many others too.’ So, it can form the
basis for Marxists, Gandhians, Environmentalists,
Feminists, Socialists, Dalits and peace activists to
come closer, if not together.
This is possible because the Fourth World has a
theoretical space for all these movements and not just a
desire for broadest possible unity. A comparison of the
ideological documents of
National Alliance of People’s
Movement (NAPM) and
Samajwadi Jan Parishad (SJP)
formerly led by
Kishan Patnaik, Bharat Nirman Abhiyan
led by BD Sharma and Gandhian fortnightly ‘Sarvodya
Jagat’ with the Fourth World, would give a feeling that
there is lot of shared ground.
Of course a closer reading of documents of all the
aforesaid organisations/movements will show shades of
differences, some of which may appear to be unbridgeable
to their respective proponents. But having gone through
these, one can say that at least as a programme of
action in the current context, there is lot that is
common. This commonality is perhaps being increasingly
realised as reflected in coming together of various
shades of opinion against the hegemony of America and
American vision in
World Social Forum, as campaigns for
Right to Information, Right to Food, for Employment
Guarantee Act and for peace. Fourth World, coming from
within the mainstream Left bridges this gap further and
can form the basis of further fine tuning. . . .
Rajinder Chaudhary is
Professor of Economics at Maharshi Dayanand University,
Rohtak (Haryana, India).
Source:
Geocities
* * *
* *
Dr. M. P. Parameswaran,
author of
Empowering People: Insights from a Local Experiment in Participatory
Planning, received a Bachelor's degree in Engineering
from the College of Engineering, Kerala, India in 1956, and a Ph.D. in
Nuclear Engineering from the Moscow Power Institute in 1965. He was a
scientist with the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre, Bombay, from 1957 to
1975. Since 1975 he has been a full-time activist with the
Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad
(KSSP). Dr. Parameswaran also currently serves as the Vice-Chair of the
Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti (BGVS) and as the Chair of the Total Health
and Sanitation Mission, Kerala.
The
Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad
(which literally means the Science Writers' Forum of Kerala) has earned
wide acclaim for activities related to generating environmental
consciousness, literacy campaigns, and decentralized, micro-level
planning. The KSSP is a recipient of the Right Livelihood Award (dubbed
the alternate Nobel Prize) in 1996, the UNESCO Literacy Award (King
Sejong Prize) in 1990, the UNEP's Global 500, and the Vriksha Mitra
award.—IndiaTogether
M. P.
Parameswaran is an
Indian
nuclear engineer and eminent science
contributor. He is an atomic scientist and
educationist of India. He played an important role
in Indian Nuclear program. He was born on January
18, 1935 in
Kerala. In 1956, he received
Bachelor’s degree in
Engineering from the College of Engineering,
Kerala. He then joined
Bhabha Atomic Research Centre,
Bombay in 1956 as a scientist and continued
there up to 1975. From 1969 to 1973 he also worked
as the assistant director of the State Institute of
Languages in Kerala, on a deputation from BARC. He
got PhD in
Nuclear Engineering from
Moscow Power Engineering Institute in 1965. . .
.
MP is also a
prolific writer. He has written 29
popular science books in
Malayalam and two in
English. His books give a panoramic view of
science.
Radioactivity, atomic science,
Astronomy,
Mathematics,
political science,
social science,
ecology—these
are some of the varied subjects he has dealt with in
his books. A vision of "A New World—A
New India" guides his thoughts and actions. He was
the recipient of two national awards, one for
science popularisation and another for literacy.
Articles written by him in various
periodicals run to more than 300. He has
received
Government of India awards for Books for
Neoliterates (1962) and Basic and Cultural
Literature (1964). He also received an Award for
Children's Literature in 1982.
He was also an
active member of Communist Party of India (Marxist)
for 33 years, before being expelled for writing an
ideological book 'Fourth World' which envisions a
world based on decentralised democracy and an
economic production that is detached from
consumerism, but the party views it as a rejection
of Marxist principles. In 2007, he also acted in a
Malayalam movie named 'AKG' about the Communist
leader A K Gopalan in which M. P. Parameswaran
donned the role of Kerala's first Chief Minister E M
Sankaran Namboodiripad (EMS).— Wikipedia
* * *
* *
Social ideas of an n-scientist
While suggesting alternatives to globalisation, he
said direct action, both defensive and offensive,
was required and we have to clearly declare it a
war-like situation. "Let us declare a people's war
against sell-out policies, against fundamentalism,
against cultural degradation, against consumerism
and against mafias of all form. This is a war to
save the human species from self-destruction, to
free human beings from animal limitations, to
realise the true human potential," says Dr.
Parameswaran, the spirit behind the formation of the
All India People's Science Network
Dr.
Parameswaran, who has blended Gandhism with Marxism
and his own type of Socialism, has devised new forms
of offensive defence against the aggression by the
so called corporate world, which he calls
``corporate mafia''. He suggests an extensive and
intensive boycott of goods produced by the
trans-national corporations. He preferred developing
smaller technologies for producing quality goods for
all and organising a mega network of consumers and
cooperative societies involving millions of
households.
He suggested
that a massive citizen education programme of more
than one year's duration be envisaged to educate all
about the ill-effects of forced globalisation and
the benefits of local self-reliance. A cultural
offensive to be used against cultural imperialism by
organising scientists, artists and writers. The
natural resources available in various States, he
said, should belong to the people and shall not be
allowed to be sold over to private profiteers.
Luxury, conspicuous and extravagant consumption
should be considered as unethical and anti-social.
It is immoral to have a star or stylish living in a
country with so much of poverty, ill health and
illiteracy, he said.
* * *
* *
A Fourth World outlook
To know the
world does not mean knowing only the word. One has
to learn from interactions with the world. The
literacy campaign was initiated in 1989. At a
discussion in Delhi, where the UNESCO director
general and many important people from the
Government of India were present, it was argued that
it is not possible to mount a campaign for literacy
in India. This is because, elsewhere where there was
such a campaign—Cuba, China , Tanzania, Burma or
Russia—there had also been a major social upheaval.
So a literacy campaign could only succeed either
with or after a social revolution, but not before
it. Since there was no semblance of any revolution
in India, such campaigns could not succeed. Our own
experience has been that on the basis of science we
have been able to mobilize people for campaigns,
ranging from the silent valley movement to lectures
on astronomy. In fact, in 1987 we mobilized tens of
thousands of people for a major science campaign,
the Jan Vigyan Jatha. So we argued that it is not
necessary for literacy to follow social revolution.
Rather, literacy could accelerate social revolution.
They said there was no precedence for that. I said
that anything which is first cannot have precedence.
So, let us try it first.
However the
initial trial should be in a place where it is
easiest to achieve success, viz. Kerala. This is
because in Kerala, the literacy level was higher
than in other places. In addition, the KSSP was a
very large organization with 40,000 members and
units everywhere. It had a lot of credibility, and
the Ernakulam district collector at that time was a
former vice president of the KSSP. He said that he
would be game to such an experiment which would help
make Ernakulam 100% literate. So, we joined forces
and the government of India gave about Rs. 1 crore.
We then had to mobilize about 15,000 volunteers to
educate approximately 170,000 people. These
volunteers conducted saturation propaganda through
face to face discussions, multimedia and street
theater. They visited every household. Ultimately
160,000 people enrolled, and of these, 130,000
became literate. This meant that they could read and
understand around 35 words per minute, write 7 or 8
words per minute without mistakes, and perform
numerical calculations with two digit numbers.
Beyond this, we took each of them on 3-4 visits to
the police station, post office, bus stand,
collector's office etc. Most of the villagers were
afraid to go to these places. So this exercise
helped to increase their confidence level, and
reduce their fear of the bureaucracy.
This
achievement in Ernakulam caught the imagination of
people all over the country. Similar campaigns were
started in Pondicherry (Tamil Nadu), Bijapur
(Karnataka), Midnapore (West Bengal), and Durg
(Madhya Pradesh). The following year, it spread
nationwide.
However, the
term 100% literacy is used figuratively. In reality,
nothing is 100% - about 70-80% of people may be
functionally literate, while the other 20% may be
marginally literate. So anything above 90% should be
known as total literacy and not 100% literacy. But
even that term is a misnomer when expanded to the
rest of India, and should instead be referred to as
a mass literacy campaign.
Nevertheless,
total literacy became a fashion and about 400
districts in India took it up. Every collector and
minister took it up as a prestige issue. The result
is that about 120 million people participated in the
literacy campaign. Of these, about 20% became
totally literate, while the rest could only sign
their name. But even this was a massive process
which required a volunteer force of more than 10
million. Each volunteer committed about 400 hours
per year. During the process, the outlook of the
volunteers changed by discussing with and learning
from groups of people who had enrolled in the
campaign. Many of the learners were more
knowledgeable than the volunteers. The volunteers
knew only the alphabet. So, an interesting
relationship started. As a result, the demand for
primary education shot up since these people wanted
their children to be literate. Initially there was
extreme cynicism, and to break that we needed plenty
of optimism.
This achievement may not be called literacy per se.
Rather it could be referred to as an increased level
of awareness because of the increased demand for
education and active involvement. For instance,
movements like the Nellore anti arrack and the
quarry workers' women's movement developed as a
result of this campaign
* * * * *
Fourth World Essays
Afro-America
& The Fourth World
The
Black Middle Class & a Political Party of the Poor (essay)
Dark
Child of the Fourth World
The
Fourth World and the Marxists
The
Fourth World: In the Belly of the Beast
New
Orleans: The American Nightmare
On
the Fourth World: Black Power, Black Panthers,
and White Allies
Why I Support
the Latino Demonstrators
Other Fourth World Essays
African
America –
A Fourth World (Waldron H. Giles)
Dark Child of the Fourth World Reaches Out
(Dennis Leroy Moore)
Fourth World Introduction (M.P. Parameswaran)
Fourth
World: Marxist, Gandhian, Environmentalist
(M.P. Parameswaran)
The Fourth World Multiculturalism (Rose Ure Mezu)
Fourth World Programme
M.P. Parameswaran)
Neo-Liberalism Dictatorship of the Market
M.P. Parameswaran)
The Rise and Fall of the Socialist World
M.P. Parameswaran)
* * *
* *
* * * * *
|
The New Jim Crow
Mass Incarceration in the Age of
Colorblindness
By Michele Alexander
Contrary to the
rosy picture of race embodied in Barack
Obama's political success and Oprah
Winfrey's financial success, legal
scholar Alexander argues vigorously and
persuasively that [w]e have not ended
racial caste in America; we have merely
redesigned it. Jim Crow and legal racial
segregation has been replaced by mass
incarceration as a system of social
control (More African Americans are
under correctional control today... than
were enslaved in 1850). Alexander
reviews American racial history from the
colonies to the Clinton administration,
delineating its transformation into the
war on drugs. She offers an acute
analysis of the effect of this mass
incarceration upon former inmates who
will be discriminated against, legally,
for the rest of their lives, denied
employment, housing, education, and
public benefits. Most provocatively, she
reveals how both the move toward
colorblindness and affirmative action
may blur our vision of injustice: most
Americans know and don't know the truth
about mass incarceration—but her
carefully researched, deeply engaging,
and thoroughly readable book should
change that.—Publishers
Weekly |
 |
*
* * * *
 |
Blacks in Hispanic Literature: Critical Essays
Edited by
Miriam DeCosta-Willis
Blacks in Hispanic Literature is a
collection of fourteen essays by scholars and
creative writers from Africa and the Americas.
Called one of two significant critical works on
Afro-Hispanic literature to appear in the late
1970s, it includes the pioneering studies of
Carter G. Woodson and
Valaurez B. Spratlin, published in the 1930s, as
well as the essays of scholars whose interpretations
were shaped by the Black aesthetic. The early
essays, primarily of the Black-as-subject in Spanish
medieval and Golden Age literature, provide an
historical context for understanding 20th-century
creative works by African-descended, Hispanophone
writers, such as Cuban
Nicolás Guillén and Ecuadorean poet, novelist,
and scholar
Adalberto Ortiz, whose essay analyzes the
significance of Negritude in Latin America. This
collaborative text set the tone for later
conferences in which writers and scholars worked
together to promote, disseminate, and critique the
literature of Spanish-speaking people of African
descent. . . .
Cited by a
literary critic in 2004 as "the seminal study in the
field of Afro-Hispanic Literature . . . on which
most scholars in the field 'cut their teeth'."
|
* * * * *
The White Masters of the
World
From
The World and Africa, 1965
By W. E. B. Du Bois
W. E. B. Du Bois’
Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization
(Fletcher)
* *
* * *
Ancient African Nations
* * * * *
If you like this page consider making a donation
* * * * *
Negro Digest /
Black World
Browse all issues
1950
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
____ 2005
Enjoy!
* * * * *
The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan
/
The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll
/
Only a Pawn in Their Game
Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for
Slavery /
George Jackson /
Hurricane Carter
* *
* * *
The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg
The
Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804
/
January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of
Haiti
* * * * *
* *
* * *
posted 26 November 2011
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