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Books by Wilson
Jeremiah Moses
Golden Age of Black Nationalism,
1850-1925 (1988) /
The Wings of Ethiopia
(1990)
Alexander
Crummell: A Study of Civilization and Discontent
(1992) /
Destiny & Race: Selected Writings, 1840-1898
(1992)
Black
Messiahs and Uncle Toms: Social and Literary
Manipulations of a Religious Myth (1993)
Liberian Dreams: Back-to-Africa
Narratives from the 1850s
/
Afrotopia: The Roots of African American
Popular History
(2002)
Creative Conflict in African American Thought (2004)
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General Motors and
General Petraeus
By Wilson J. Moses
February 14, 2009
Americans have notoriously short
memories, so I have to remind myself that the first $700
billion bail-out, the “Troubled Assets Relief Program”
(TARP), was a product of the Bush administration. It
was presented to the Senate by former Treasury
Secretary, Henry Paulson, who isn’t stupid. Federal
Reserve Chairman, Ben Bernanke, also not stupid,
accompanied him on his trip to the Senate, but the
proposal belonged to the Bush administration. Paulson
graduated from Dartmouth, where he demonstrated
sufficient agility and mental quickness to become an
All-Ivy linebacker, and to make Phi Beta Kappa, as
well. Paulson was obviously playing dumb, like a fox,
in his intentionally inept responses to the questions of
Richard Shelby (R-Ala) ranking member of the Senate
Banking Committee.
Much as I oppose the ideology of
Senator Shelby, I must give him credit for saying that
“Even if the Paulson plan works perfectly, which many
doubt, including nearly two hundred economists, it will
not stimulate new lending, stop de-leveraging, help
distressed home owners, or jump start the economy.” The
Senator’s doubts were obviously well-founded, for, so
far the plan has not worked. As many suspected,
although Sen. Shelby did not say it, Mr. Paulson has
shown himself to be no more than high quality stick-up
artist. Many bankers have lined their pockets, with
the bail-out monies, and so have the executives at
General Motors.
Paulson got away with playing dumb,
but he knew exactly what he was doing when he got $700
billion from the government for his Wall Street bail
out. He knew the heads of insolvent banks had no
intention of addressing the economic melt-down. He knew
the money would disappear into the pockets of brilliant,
but incompetent executives. Paulson himself, formerly
employed by Goldman Sachs, one of the banks he
arbitrarily selected for salvation, is estimated to have
earned over $16,000,000 in the year he became Secretary
of the Treasury. His estimated worth is around
$700,000,000. Fair enough everybody wants to be rich,
but why should I pay him, or people like him, for
performing no detectable public service, and lining
their friends’ pockets?
President Barack Obama seems to think
that people like Henry Paulson have expertise for which
we must pay whatever astronomical salaries the market
supposedly demands. Compensation in the $15 million
range is the unavoidable cost of the superior expertise
of people like Stan O’Neil, who ran Merrill Lynch into
bankruptcy. But Ben Bernanke, presumably an expert of
similar acuteness, draws a salary of only $191,300, and
we trust him to clean up the mess. It seems unlikely
the quoted figure is Bernanke’s entire annual income,
but if he is willing to serve the Fed for such a
reasonable salary, why can’t the government find other
people of his caliber to work in banking for similar
amounts?
General David Howell Petraeus does
his job for less than $250,000 per year
General Petraeus, who holds a Ph.D.
from Princeton University, isn’t stupid, but he too
works for a reasonable salary. Even his critics must
admit that he is capable, intelligent, ambitious, and
loyal. He has shown far more competency at his job than
the people who have been managing General Motors,
Chrysler, Ford, Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers, Freddie
Mac, Fannie Mae, Wells Fargo, Bank of America, Morgan
Stanley, or Goldman Sachs. Most of them are compensated
with salaries and bonuses in the multi-millions.
And General Petraeus does his job for
less than $250,000 per year.
I say nationalize all corporations
that benefit from any government bail-out, and
immediately rescale all executive salaries to correspond
to salaries paid in the United States military. If
senior business executives don’t want to work for
$250,000, then let them walk. Every year a considerable
number of military officers, above the rank of major,
but below the age of fifty go into retirement. Why
cannot we dip into this reservoir of talent to replace
the parasites that are currently leeching off the
taxpayers? This question is somewhat rhetorical, for
retired colonels and brigadiers are not the only pool of
available talent. There are other persons in this
economy, besides younger military retirees, who are
capable of running businesses and industries for
reasonable salaries. But the candidate pool for a
nationalized business or industry would logically
include military retirees, many of whom have
demonstrated administrative ability along with their
records of commitment to public service.
Source:
WilsonMoses
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Obama on
Nationalizing Banks and the Stimulus—E.J.
Dionne—When
even Sen. Lindsey Graham, a solidly conservative
Republican from South Carolina,
says he “would not take off [the table] the idea of
nationalizing the banks," something big is happening.
And it turns out that while President Obama isn’t
inclined to nationalize the banks, at least not yet, he
hasn’t taken that idea off the table either.
Graham made his
comment today on ABC’s “This Week.” Obama spoke about
temporary nationalization during an interview Friday
with a group of columnists he had invited to travel with
him. The journalists on Air Force One were Ron
Brownstein, Bob Herbert, Clarence Page,
Kathleen Parker and me.
Tomorrow’s
column has more on our interview with Obama. But the
president’s comments on the banks play right into an
ongoing debate -- see the
excellent piece in today’s Post by Matthew
Richardson and Nouriel Roubini -- so I’m posting Obama’s
answers in detail because his words will influence the
outcome of this debate and how the markets respond.
WashingtonPost
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Nationalize the
Banks! We're all Swedes Now—Matthew
Richardson and Nouriel Roubini—The
U.S. banking system is close to being insolvent, and
unless we want to become like Japan in the 1990s -- or
the United States in the 1930s -- the only way to save
it is to nationalize it.
As free-market
economists teaching at a business school in the heart of
the world's financial capital, we feel downright
blasphemous proposing an all-out government takeover of
the banking system. But the U.S. financial system has
reached such a dangerous tipping point that little
choice remains. And while Treasury Secretary Timothy
Geithner's recent plan to save it has many of the right
elements, it's basically too late.
The subprime
mortgage mess alone does not force our hand; the $1.2
trillion it involves is just the beginning of the
problem. Another $7 trillion—including commercial real
estate loans, consumer credit-card debt and high-yield
bonds and leveraged loans—is at risk of losing much of
its value. Then there are trillions more in high-grade
corporate bonds and loans and jumbo prime mortgages,
whose worth will also drop precipitously as the
recession deepens and more firms and households default
on their loans and mortgages.
WashingtonPost
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Five Ways to
Restore Financial Trust—Bill
Bradley—Trust a market approach first to deal with
the bad assets. Given the complexity and opaqueness of
derivatives such as collateralized debt obligations,
mortgage backed securities, and the $60 trillion of
credit default swaps, the best way to set their value is
to let independent, knowledgeable investors who are
willing to put their own money on the line negotiate the
price and buy the toxic assets from the banks.
President Barack
Obama's financial team seems to be heading in this
direction with its public-private fund for toxic assets.
Taxpayers will pay less if individual Americans are
allowed to invest alongside the knowledgeable investors,
thereby reducing the amount of public money that is
necessary. However, banks will incur losses and,
depending on their size, the government should
temporarily relax capital ratios, give banks more time
to write off losses, or recapitalize the banks with
oversized losses.
Treasury Secretary
Timothy Geithner's decision to send bank examiners and
forensic accountants into banks will provide essential
information for the public whatever actions follow. True
transparency is a necessary condition for getting out of
this financial morass.
WSJ
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A Short History
of the National Debt— When President Barack Obama
signed
The American Recovery
and Reinvestment Act of 2009
into law yesterday, he was adding to what is already
almost guaranteed to be the largest deficit in American
history. In January, the Congressional Budget Office
projected that the deficit this year would be $1.2
trillion before the stimulus package. That's more than
twice the deficit in fiscal 2008, more than the entire
GDP of all but a handful of countries, and more, in
nominal dollars, than the entire United States national
debt in 1982.
But while the sum
is huge, it is not in and of itself threatening to the
solvency of the Republic. At 8.3% of GDP, this year's
deficit is by far the largest since World War II. But
the total debt is, as of now, still under 75% of GDP. It
was almost 130% following World War II. (Japan's
national debt right now is not far from 180% of that
nation's GDP.)
Still, it's the
trend that is worrisome, to put it mildly. There have
always been two reasons for adding to the national debt.
One is to fight wars. The second is to counteract
recessions.
WSJ
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posted 15 February 2009 |