|
Injustice and Ethnic Politics in Nigeria
By Uche Nworah
The politics of the stomach played in today’s Nigeria
has redefined the concept of political correctness. The
situation is now such that people with access to power
and the media prefer to play safe; many of them who have
been classified by certain commentators as rent seekers
will rather prefer not to rock the boat. Why would they,
and why should they? They wouldn’t want their wells to
dry up.
It is now widely accepted that Nigeria is slowly on the
march towards a national renaissance, this involves a
re-awakening of the consciousness of the citizens
towards their responsibilities, and those of the
government. These shared senses of responsibilities have
led to some of the various reforms initiated by the
Obasanjo government, likewise the openness and
willingness of Nigerians to adopt and trial these, with
the aim of re-invigorating the various socio-economic
and political sectors in Nigeria.
Though some of the reforms are yet to start bearing the
expected fruits, on the face value, they seem like lofty
initiatives. However, to give the people a true sense of
belonging in the entity called Nigeria, such that they
would actively wish to participate in the vision of a
new Nigeria, a sense of equity, justice and fair play
must also be felt by all the component units. This does
not appear to be happening at the moment.
Amongst the federating units in Nigeria and the over 250
ethic groups, the Igbo, Yoruba and Hausa ethnic groups
have always dominated national politics. Perhaps, this
may be as result of their greater numbers in population,
likewise their somewhat active involvement and
participation in successive governments since Nigeria
achieved colonial independence in 1960. Such domineering
presence and control of what Nigerians chose to call the
‘national cake’ has always irked the other ethnic groups
who are in the minority.
|
These minority groups feel left out in the
scheme of things in Nigeria, a situation
that has now bred distrust, fear and a sense
of hopelessness; this invariably affects
their sense of patriotism, likewise their
national identity and psyche
Within the smaller ethnic groups appear to
be a rising feeling of sub-nationalism, of a
need and desire for the groups to take their
own fate into their hands. They question the
concept of nationhood in a Nigerian system
with less than caring attitude and posture
towards issues that affect them.
Massacred
MASSOB members |
 |
The Niger Delta people located in the southern part of
Nigeria epitomise this struggle for political and
economic emancipation. Years of exploitation of the
natural resources which abound plentifully in their
region by oil exploration companies, most infamously and
notoriously Shell has culminated in a situation of
despair for the people, polluted rivers and wickedly
environmental degradation.
Successive Niger Delta leaders and opinion leaders have
tried in the past to draw the attention of the world to
the plight of the region to no avail. Their illustrious
son Ken Saro-Wiwa paid the ultimate price in the hands
of Sani Abacha’s hangmen, alongside eight members of his
Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP).
Before him, another Ijaw son in the person of Isaac
Adaka Boro had briefly declared independence for an Ijaw
state, but his insurgence was quelled by the federal
troops in what is now regarded as the
12 Day revolution. The struggle for an independent
Ijaw state, or an Ijaw state to be reckoned with, within
a united Nigeria has now entered another phase; that of
armed struggles and kidnappings.
Years of failed promises by successive Nigerian
governments and oil companies operating in the region
has finally snapped the patience of the people. The
Ijaws have now risen, and they are taking no prisoners
literally. It appears the Nigerian government and the
international community are listening and responding to
their new wave guerrilla tactics. But their
contemporaries in MASSOB, the Movement for the
Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra are not
enjoying similar patronage; some of them that dared kick
a football in a symbolic football match were rounded up
and jailed in 2005 but they were lucky still, as many
have been murdered by federal soldiers and left to die
like animals.
Where is the sense of equity in this? Why do young men
and women rage? Is it not worth finding out why many
seem to want out of the British contraption called
Nigeria?
After months of incarceration, the symbol of the new
Ijaw nation’s struggle for equity and justice, and a
true disciple of Isaac Adaka Boro before him, Alhaji
Mujahid Dokubo, the founder and leader of the Niger
Delta Peoples Volunteer Force (NDPVF) was recently
granted bail by a federal court, a pre-condition to
negotiating a lasting peace in the now volatile Niger
Delta region.
Alhaji Mujahid Asari Dokubo and his NDPVF militants
The media reported about the extra long convoy that
accompanied his return to his beloved Ijaw nation. Over
400 cars, including luxury SUVs followed him in his
Hummer Humvie on his triumphant return. He was accorded
a hero’s welcome, a folk hero and a battle ready general
that understands and speaks the one language the
government prefers at the moment. Will such a government
in the future wonder where spin-offs are coming?
The same Nigerian government had demonstrated in 2005
its inclination to listen more to young revolutionists
like Dokubo, rather than ageing ‘ex-warlords and rebels’
like Dim Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu (Ikemba). At about the
time the Niger Delta struggle was gearing into the now
violent phase, it had sent a chartered aircraft to bring
Dokubo to Abuja for a parley with the authorities.
Ojukwu did not enjoy such privilege and was sent a one
way economy class ticket to come to Abuja for
interrogation by the sate security services (SSS). The
Ikemba refused and the much reported stand-off ensued
between him and the Nigerian authorities.
The Ijaws are rejoicing, likewise their fellow Nigerian
compatriots. However, in celebrating the release of
Alhaji Mujahid Dokubo, one can not but also think about
the fate of other Nigerian citizens languishing in
various prisons and jails in Nigeria. These prisoners of
conscience are victims of an unfair justice and
political system in Nigeria. Among this group is Chief
Ralph Uwazurike, the leader of the Movement for the
Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB)
whose belief in the sovereign state of Biafra is not any
different from Alhaji Mujahid Dokubo’s armed campaigns
for an independent Ijaw nation. Just like Ojukwu,
Uwazurike remains committed to a free independent Igbo
nation, or an Igbo nation with equal equity alongside
other ethic groups in a united Nigeria. Both Ojukwu and
Uwazurike have been branded rebels, but not Dokubo.
|
 |
The difference between Alhaji Mujahid Dokubo
and Chief Ralph Uwazurike is that Chief
Uwazurike is of the Igbo stock, a people
whose attempt to secede from Nigeria in 1967
led to the loss of over 3 million Igbo
lives. Unlike Mujahid Dokubo who now has
Vice President Goodluck Jonathan to plead
his case, Chief Uwazurike has no brethren or
kinsman who is the Vice President of
Nigeria. Whereas Mujahid Dokubo had people
speaking for him, Chief Uwazurike has no
body speaking for him as yet. He is not
important to anybody. His people (Ndigbo)
are inconsequential in Nigeria. They may
have oil deposits buried deep in their lands
but they are only still deposits, at best
part of Nigeria’s crude oil reserves and
have not yet started yielding any national
income.
Uwazurike (in red cap) and
Ojukwu in 2001 |
Chief Uwazurike and his MASSOB group have not yet
started kidnapping any expatriates, they have not blown
up any oil facilities yet and have no bargaining chips,
therefore their case file has since been dumped into the
Ajegunle lagoon. Again I ask, where is the equity and
justice in all these? Who speaks for Uwazurike and
Ndigbo?
Does President Umar Yar’Adua really want to make a clean
start or is it still the same old story? His government,
though still new should extend the warm handshake to the
Uwazurikes of Nigeria as well, as a gesture of goodwill.
This will actually set the tone for a real national
reconciliation; anything short of this would alienate
Ndigbo further and make them question their stake in the
Nigeria of everybody’s dreams. It is for this reason
that organisations and websites sympathetic to the
plight of Ndigbo are springing up all over the world,
worthy of interest is The Good Shepherd Movement, an
organisation committed to propagating the Igbo cause.
And for the prominent Igbo women and men, those that
traversed the corridors of power in the last 8 years,
and those still close to power in Nigeria, shame on
them. What were they afraid of, and what are they still
afraid of? Associating themselves with Uwazurike does
not necessarily make them criminals, neither will
identifying with the plight of Ndigbo make them Aso Rock
outcasts. If they are in doubt, they should look at the
crème of Ijaw society who are now literally eating off
Alhaji Mujahid Dokubo’s palms, hosting him at private
and public receptions. These Ijaw leaders of thought are
also politicians and they know that every politician
ultimately falls back on his roots and constituency, but
are Igbo leaders of thought aware of this yet?
President Umar Yar’Adua, please free Chief Ralph
Uwazurike now!
* * * *
*
Massacre of MASSOB members June 2006.
http://www.cwis.org/news/index.php?newsdate=biafra1
http://thelongharmattanseason.blogspot.com
lhaji Mujahid Dokubo (photo left top) /
posted 20 June 2007 |