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Interview with Issaka K. Souare
Author of
Samassi
and
Africa in the United Nations System, 1945-2005
By Rudolph Lewis
Rudy: Your short novel
Samassi (128 pages), published 2004, was a
quick read. I found it very informative. It touches on
numerous topics of African life in Europe. Your main
character decides to return to Africa. Are more Africans
than ever deciding to remain in the West. If so, why?
Issaka: In the absence of
statistics, it is quite difficult to say yes or no this
question. One may only be aware of such movements
amongst those that you know and/or that are close to
you, which does not mean that people from other African
communities are not returning home. But one thing is
clear: whenever there is a positive change in an African
country, and there are more and more African countries
embracing change, many nationals of such countries
living abroad tend to decide to go home, at least to
move the bulk of their activities there and spend more
time there. They know that they are the ones that can
help their countries develop, as the main character of
the novel thought.
Rudy: You are from
Guinea-Conakry, West Africa. Why did you choose the UK
rather than France.
Issaka: First, because my
studies are in International Relations and everyone
knows the importance of English in that field in today’s
world. The other reason is that, frankly, Britain is a
better place for an African than France is, not least
the too bureaucratic system of France and France’s poor
record of treatment of Africans living in France.
One simple example on the first count
is that in order to apply for a university place in
France, in addition to what universities in all
countries request, you also need to supply even the
envelop in which the university will reply to you; this
is not to mention the stamp or its cost. And in terms of
your choice, of course, it is easy in the Anglo-Saxon
world to switch from one option to another in the same
field (e.g. BA journalism, MA politics) should you
change your mind; yet this is almost impossible in
France.
To do a Ph.D. course in a field, you
must have chosen this course from secondary school!
Regarding the issue of the treatment of Africans, you
have racism everywhere in Europe, but France is one of
the worst countries as far as Africans are concerned.
And this deplorable attitude has gone as far as to the
French parliament passing a law to celebrate what they
called “positive aspects of colonialism”. How absurd!
Rudy: How long have you been
in the UK? Do you live there in an African ghetto
(community or neighborhood)? Do you get together often
with fellow Africans?
Issaka: I came to the UK
mid-2000 but I am leaving it this year for Canada where
I am doing my Ph.D. program. I am not sure if I can
describe where I am living in London as an African
ghetto, for there are as many Africans as non Africans
in the area. You have however more concentration of
Africans in some other parts of London (e.g. Brixton,
Camberwell, Tottenham, etc.) than where I am in Croydon
in south-east London. I do get together with colleagues
on occasions, especially at week-ends to play soccer. I
am also the Secretary of a community organization.
Rudy: Are you married? Do you
have children? If not, will you choose a Guinea girl or
whomever you first fall in love?
Issaka: Yes, I am married
since August 2003 and have a daughter born in June 2005.
My baby is from Guinea, but I would not have minded
having my girl from any African (in the broader sense)
community.
Rudy: Samassi begins
and ends on a note of African government corruption—of
bribes and abuse of government funds and power. There
has been much talk for decades about good governance in
African states. Is this much more a problem in Africa
than in Europe? If so why?
Issaka: Corruption is found
everywhere in the world, and anyone who reads the
reports of Transparency International will know this for
sure. The negative effects of corruption are however
felt more acutely in poor countries than in rich and
more advanced ones.
This is what makes it such a serious
problem in Africa. This is what results in what one may
call “relative poverty”, when the resources of a country
are monopolized by a small few at the expense of the
majority. It then becomes a source of armed conflicts. I
amply deal with this in one of my two recently released
books, Civil Wars and Coups d`État in West Africa: An
Attempt to Understand the Roots and Prescribe Possible
Solutions (April 2006).
Rudy: Does religion and
tradition play an important role in political and social
reform in black Africa today? Or is it a reactionary
force?
Issaka: I think they do, both
positively and negatively. The positive dimension of
tradition and religion in Africa is their reconciliatory
role, especially in post-conflict nations. One can see
this in the quick return of normalcy, reconciliation and
community solidarity in, say, Nigeria after the painful
experience of the civil/Biafra war (1967-1970), and in
many Southern African countries after the appalling and
traumatizing experience of the Apartheid and white
minority regimes.
This is what baffles some Europeans
(including their cousins in North America). But what
eludes them is that while their cultures emphasize
revenge (e.g. Nuremberg after World War II, ICTY now in
ex Yugoslavia after the civil war there), African
culture and tradition preach reconciliation and
forgiveness, and this is not to be construed as
condoning “impunity,” though you do not hear such
descriptions in the Western press if the beneficiaries
of “impunity” are whites (Southern Africa).
I am also certain that whenever
Africans return to the tradition and its principles of
transparency and accountability, the Transparency
Internationals will be based in Africa to teach the West
how to avoid corruption.
The negative dimension of tradition
and religion is seen when unscrupulous politicians use
them for their petty political gains and manage to
manipulate the innocent people for their cause.
Rudy: There is some discussion
of women in Samassi. But you seem to skirt many
of the issues you raise, like the sexual freedom of
women. Do you feel threatened by the growing power of
modern African women?
Issaka: Not at all. I am in
fact in favour of this, for without empowering women, no
society can prosper. I wanted to show something in the
novel, in the story of Mrs Richardson, that I probably
did not succeed.
That was the difference between the
Western tradition of asking women, de jure or
de facto, to change their birth names and adopt
those of their husbands when they get married, and the
African tradition that is against this. This is rightly
considered in many African societies, including that of
mine, as an insult for the woman.
Why give up her birth name for the
man and men are never asked to do likewise? How many
times should she keep on changing her name, given that
she has the right to divorce and remarry as many times
as she likes? And when she decides not to change her
name after a couple of marriages or having been married
to a famous person (e.g. Winnie Mandela) whose name she
would prefer to keep for various reasons, what would be
the feeling of the new husband since the tradition,
de jure or de facto, asks for this and what
will be the effect of this on their marriage if it ever
goes ahead?
Unfortunately, this sexist Western
tradition is threatening the African tradition that
respects women in this regard as in many others. In the
novel, I wanted to show this rift between African and
Western cultures and my opposition to this contradictory
practice of claiming to respect women’s freedom and
equality with men yet insulting them, but perhaps I did
not succeed.
Rudy: You are studying for a
doctorate in International Relations. Are you planning
to be a diplomat, of working for the United Nations?
Issaka: As you know,
one does not always work in what may appear the natural
and perfect field that matches his studies. I would want
to do anything to contribute to Africa’s development and
assertion of its rightful place in the world community,
whatever that takes and in whichever field I may work. I
am currently working for Amnesty International and
writing.
Rudy: Tell us about your new
book on the United Nations. What are some of its basic
conclusions with respect to Africa?
Issaka: The full title of the
book is
Africa in the United Nations System, 1945-2005.
In this book, I look at the origin of the UN, even going
back to the League of Nations (1920-1939/1945), the
predecessor of the UN, and Africa’s place in it. I deal
with the current structure of the UN (e.g. five
permanent members of the Security Council with no
African country amongst them) and why this is the case.
The book shows that there have been
some real successes in Africa’s relationship with the
world body (e.g. the joint efforts of Africa and the UN
against the Apartheid and white minority regimes in
Southern Africa), as well as real failures (e.g. the
genocide in Rwanda). Based on this, it concludes that
Africa’s relationship with the United Nations works for
the most part when Africa sees its partnership with the
UN as complementary to its own efforts, projects and
initiatives rather than something to depend on.
Whenever Africa depends on the UN and
withdraws from its own responsibilities, as I think
happened in Somalia and Rwanda and may happen now in
Sudan, it has always been disappointed.
The UN is an inter-governmental
organization whose actions, their quality and rapidity,
depend almost entirely on the will of its member states,
the powerful ones in particular. Yet, the powerful
members of the UN, which are mainly former colonial
powers plus the United States (which is not innocent in
this case either —remember the invasion and occupation
of Haiti by American forces from 1915 to 1934) and these
nations will never commit their men and monies to
anything or any place where they do not see their
strategic or PR interests there.
The book puts forward some practical
suggestions as to what position Africa should take in
the current debate about UN reform. It has a good
foreword by Mrs Julia Dolly Joiner, the Political
Affairs Commissioner of the African Union.
Rudy: Have you been to the
Americas—Canada, U.S., the Caribbean, etc.? What were
your impressions?
Issaka: Of all those places, I
have only been to Canada, but would like to visit all of
them, especially the Caribbean, which I consider as part
of Africa and I call these states Sovereign Disaporian
African States (SDAS). Well, my impression of Canada,
and I think it resembles the US in many ways in this
regard, is that they tend to have more opportunities
than one may find in, say, Europe, but also more
openness. But I should add that they are the real
Capitalists.
Rudy: Are you familiar with
racial relations in the USA? Do you have in African
American friends? What are your impressions?
Issaka: I have read about
racial relations in the US and I have several
African-American brothers and sisters. In fact, Joe
Washington who wrote a foreword to my book on
Civil Wars and Coups d`État in West Africa is an
African-American professor. I also have many Guinean and
African friends living or studying in the US.
My impression is that most
African-Americans are as concerned about Africa’s future
as any patriot African. Thus, looking at the gradual
rise of a number of them in the US, despite the
undeniable racism against them, and the progress being
made in many parts of Africa, though slowly, I believe
that this will one day soon result in both parties
(mother Africa and its children in the US) contributing
to each other’s progress and, may I say, emancipation.
Rudy: What about travel in
Europe? I suppose you have friends from many European
countries. You know English, French. Arabic? I have
always been impressed by the linguistic skills of black
Africans. What other languages do you speak?
Issaka: I speak Mandinka/Mandingo,
which is my mother tongue. Yes, Africans speak many
languages. But this, though it may seem impressive in a
way, is quite unfortunate looking at its origin of
colonial powers imposing their languages on Africans and
the failure of post-independence African governments to
correct this grotesque legacy of colonialism. I believe
this has a role in Africa’s underdevelopment.
Oh yes, and it eludes many of those
that write about development issues in Africa. How do I
explain this? Well, everyone knows that in order for a
country to develop and prosper in this capitalist-driven
globalized world, you need to have a well-qualified and
competent work force. To have this, you surely need more
educated people which can only be achieved through
popularising education.
Yet, this popularisation is almost
impossible to attain relying on a foreign language as
the sole language of learning. This is why there is not
a single developed nation in the world that relied on a
foreign language to achieve its development, and this
includes the emerging Asian nations.
An enlightened citizenry is also
necessary in order for the government of any nation to
better communicate with its people, enhancing in the
process the political stability and even survival of the
country. Democracy and democratic process is such a
complex issue that it requires an educated people.
It is only in Africa that the
grandmother or grandfather can hardly assist her or his
grandchild with his/her coursework even in history of
his/her own country, which they may have lived and may
thus know better than perhaps the author of the textbook
the child is reading at school—the only reason being
because the textbook is in another language whose owners
and the ignorant African leaders and trainers that kept
it consider it superior to African languages. These
people nourish the illusory idea that African languages
are not suitable for science and intellectual
expression.
Yet the benefits of learning in one’s
mother tongue or one like it are manifold as are the
negative effects of the contrary. Take the example of a
simple computer software like the word processor or even
the use of Internet. One doesn’t really need a tutor to
learn the word processor so long as you understand the
language in which the computer converses with its users.
It suffices to put the cursor on an icon for it to tell
you what it will do.
This gives a natural advantage to the
European child or any child learning in his/her own
language over the African child who must depend on a
foreign language. This allows this child to start using
computer from a very young age and starts enjoying the
great benefits of electronic communications thus early.
The African child has to wait longer to have a good
knowledge of the language before doing likewise.
Surely, the different African
countries should find ways to deal with this issue.
There are some people, including in Africa, that are
opposed to this idea. By and large, they have two main
arguments. On the one hand, they argue that countries
such as the US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand are
well developed yet English and partially French (in
Canada) that the people of these countries use are not
their mother tongues as these are European languages.
On the other hand, they argue that
given the fact that each African country has a multitude
of languages, it will be impossible to achieve this
without alienating others and thus leading to conflicts.
Perhaps a third argument of these
people is that African states need to open up to the
outside world and that they cannot do this with their
own languages. How naive!
I must confess that most of these
people are innocent because they do not know the facts
or have been led to hold such manipulative views. First,
it was the European colonialists that brought their
languages to all the aforementioned countries and stayed
there to rule these conquered territories at the expense
of the natives.
They imposed their languages on the
natives (Indians in North America and the Aboriginals in
Australia and New Zealand) and isolated them in the
forests. Many of these people are still to this day
deprived of some of their civic rights and suffer
widespread discrimination.
Otherwise, how can one explain the
existence of both French and English in Canada, and
Spanish in some southern states of the US if not to do
with European colonialism? Surely, Algeria would have
constituted this example in Africa had the French
imperial forces triumphed over the liberation movements
in Algeria in the late 1950s. Perhaps South Africa
constitutes a clear example of this in Africa as a
result of Apartheid.
Secondly, contrary to what we have in
Western encyclopedias, the sometime unbelievable number
of languages or ethnic groups that many African
countries are said to have, most African countries can
find it very easy to adopt one to three languages and
serve the whole country with that. Take the example of
Nigeria.
In Western encyclopedias, Nigeria is
home to more than 200 ethnic groups and languages. As a
matter of fact, you can reduce this to only three mega
ethnic groups and thus Nigeria can adopt just three
national languages (Haussa, Yoruba and Ibo), as every
Nigerian will identify himself or herself with one of
these three languages.
And there are many Western countries
that have more than one official languages (e.g.
Switzerland, Belgium, Canada, etc.). So why can’t
African states do this? Besides, there are many African
countries, even regions that can well adopt a single
language. The case of Swahili in many Eastern and
Central African states is a case in point.
Regarding opening up to the outside
world, perhaps Norway and other Scandinavian countries
can solve this puzzle. Norway is a small Scandinavian
country whose language is not spoken anywhere in the
world outside its boundaries. However, the Norwegians
learn in their language (learn history, geography and
mathematics, etc. in Norwegian) but learn English (as a
language).
Those of them whose field of work
(e.g. diplomats and medical doctors) necessitate working
with international partners further their learning of
English. Whey can’t Africans do this? Only with this, I
may consider the linguistic skills of many Africans,
including myself, as an added advantage. But as it is,
we Africans are forced to learn most of these languages
because without that we cannot work even in our own
governments. How sad!
Rudy: When you not hitting the
books, studying, publishing, how do you use your time?
Museum, theaters, films; soccer, tennis, cricket; chess,
cards?
Issaka: I like playing
football and watching African films and listening to
music. With my daughter now and the lovely plays I have
with her, I am really short of time. But I must force
myself also to attend community meetings.
Rudy: What of development in
Guinea? I suppose socialism is a thing of the past. That
it died with Sekou Toure? Do you have hope for African
progress in dealing with questions of poverty, health
care, education, technology?
Issaka: Absolutely yes, but
this progress will come, and I am sure it will and soon,
when Africans realise that only they, and not others,
can and will develop Africa. Exit the Western PR
propaganda about caring to help Africa.
Rudy: When were you last in
Africa? How is home, family, friends?
Issaka: I was last in Africa
in December 2005 when I visited the Commission of the
African Union in
Addis Ababa, the capital of Africa.
* * *
* * Response
Peace Rahim,
I just read your interview with Issaka—very nice. I
would, of course, like to know more about the conditions
of Africans in England. In a few days, the World Cup
will begin amid a new wave of racism through out Europe.
African students have been killed in Russia and on the
pitch African football players are constantly being
harassed. In Spain, for example, a Black soccer player
was met with "monkey calls." This hearkens back to the
time when white American soldiers during WWI and II told
European women that Black soldiers had tails. The
Spanish are in complete denial about their own racism
stating only that their soccer fans see black soccer
players as the opposition—as if that were any kind of
justification for their racist remarks.
The World Cup, like the Olympics, may well become a new
staging ground for racial tensions. We know that Jessie
Owens upset Hitler's notion of a Super Race. And Joe
Louis literally knocked it out of the ring. Still there
always seems to be a resurgence of racist
ideology—whether it’s the Bell Curve or some other
contention.
Since the World Cup will be held in Germany, there
undoubtedly will be at least a few major racist
confrontations. Nazi slogans and racist chants regularly
accompany soccer matches. It will be interesting to see
how the German authorities handle such acts as the
flying of the swastika and Nazi salute which are common
occurrences at the matches. Will we see racist fans
dragged from the stadium? —amin sharif
posted 23 May 2006 |