Labor Must Battle Racism to Elect Obama
By Richard Trumka
Thank you brothers and sisters.
You know, over the
course of the year, I go to a lot of union conventions.
And I usually enjoy
it because it gives me a chance to hear what's on
and what they think
the AFL-CIO and the labor movement ought to be doing.
But since we're in Las Vegas—and what happens in Vegas
stays in Vegas, I have a little confession to make. It's
that of all the union conventions I go to, one of the
ones I look forward to the most is yours. And there're a
few reasons for that: one of them is this man right here
(point to Leo).
sisters, in my estimation, there is no bolder stronger
more tenacious effective and innovative trade unionist
in this country than Leo Gerard!
I've known my share
of labor leaders and I can tell you that while a whole
lot of them talk the talk; Leo Gerard walks the walk.
He's leaner and he's meaner, and by God, we've got to
keep him that way! And, of course, it's not just Leo;
you've got a fantastic International Secretary-Treasurer
in Jim English. In my mind he defines what a trade
unionist ought to be. Whether it's going toe to toe with
OSHA or bargaining solid contracts—Jim's there—
on the front
lines—and working people and our families are a heck of
a lot better off for it.
But the biggest
reasons I'm so glad to be here are the ones I'm looking
at right now. It's you.
You know, I
remember telling Leo that when I was president of the
Mine Workers the night before the convention long after
everyone else was through partying and had gone to
sleep, I'd go down to the convention hall. I'd usually
be the only person down there. Hanging on the walls we'd
often have big blow ups of photographs. Pictures showing
some of the great moments from our history.
Pictures taken on
picket lines. Pictures of coal miners and our families
and our struggles. And usually a picture of John L.
Lewis. All looking down to the convention floor. All
looking down to where the delegates would be taking up
the union's business the next morning. And, standing
there in the quiet, you couldn't help but feel a sense
of awe—a sense of awe that comes from knowing that the
men and women who'd be sitting at those tables like all
of you—under the gaze of the people in those
pictures—were the inheritors of their legacy.
That everything our
ancestors fought for . . . everything they struggled
for—and some of them died for—was now in our hands. And
that it was up to us the living to guard what they gave
their lives to win . . . to build on it . . . and see to
it that, by God, no one ever dares to take it away! And
that includes our strike and defense fund.
There's power that
comes from knowing that you're standing on such broad
shoulders. Power that comes from knowing that you're not
just members of an organization—but part of a great
Well, brothers and
sisters, every time I'm with the Steelworkers—whether
it's on the picket line, at a local meeting or at a
great convention like this—I know I'm in the presence of
that same kind of power.
Just take a minute
and look around this hall. Look around this room.
You see people who
work at smelters and refineries, tire plants, mines, and
mills. You see grocery workers and nurses and security
guards—and folks who provide the good public services
all our families depend on. And look around and you'll
see the most highly skilled and productive steel making
professionals in the world.
There's women and
men. Different colors. Different ages. Americans and
Canadians. But, somehow, all those differences are
trivial to what you share in common.
It's a shared
heritage of struggle forged by women and men driven by
the faith . . . the idea . . . the knowledge . . . That
the way things are, isn't the way things have to be.
It's like a flame
that's burning inside you. It's the reason why—whether
it means standing out in the freezing cold or scorching
heat—you're always, always there when it's time to pass
out a leaflet or walk a picket line. It's the reason why
you go to all those meetings when you'd rather be at
home with your family. It's the reason why you're the
first one to raise Hell when some supervisor forgets
that honoring the contract isn't his choice, it's his
And it's why, as
exhausting and frustrating as it sometimes is, still you
wake up the next morning ready to do it all over again.
It's because you
know that what makes all of us union isn't some card we
carry in our pockets it's the commitment . . . the
caring . . . and the love for one another we carry here
in our hearts (gesture toward heart).
And it's because
you know that there is only one way working people ever
won in the past . . . and only one way we're going to
It's not by turning
on each other; it's by turning to each other. It's by
organizing, together. It's by mobilizing, together. It's
by working, and planning, and building, together.
sisters, it is by standing tall and fighting together.
That's what makes
this union strong! That's what makes this union proud!
That's what makes you the United Steelworkers of America
one of the most powerful forces on earth—and, by God, no
one's ever going to turn you around.
And, brothers and
sisters, I'm here to tell you that your commitment, your
strength—your courage and your power—has never been more
important to the future of this labor movement and to
the future of this country—than it is right now. Because
if you work for a living—if you consider yourself part
of the middle-class—the America that you'll be leaving
your children will barely resemble the America that was
left to us.
We've all heard
that phrase that the middle-class is being squeezed.
Well, I disagree with that: We're not being squeezed: we
are being crushed.
Let me just share a
few numbers with you.
inequality— the gulf between the rich and the rest of
us—is at a level we haven't seen since the '70s. I'm not
talking about the 1970s, I'm talking about the 1870s!
For those of you
who are labor history buffs, let me put it this way:
income inequality is greater today than it was before
the Homestead strike.
In 1928, the top
one percent of earners in this country took home 21.1
percent of all income. That's the all time high.
Well, (as of 2006,
the most recent year we have numbers for) that top one
percent is grabbing up 20.3 percent of all income, and
it’s higher now!
Right now, if you
looked at America's Gross Domestic Product, you'd see
that we're up there with countries like Switzerland and
Sweden. But, if you measure income inequality, we're
neck and neck with Mali and Sri Lanka.
We even see it in
terms of life expectancy. Today, the U.S. not only
wouldn't make the top ten list—we wouldn't even make the
But, you know
something? If you're a trade unionist, you don't need to
hear a bunch of statistics to know what's happening in
We see the
casualties every single day. Go to Birmingham, Alabama.
Or Gary, Indiana. Or Milwaukee. Cleveland. LA. Or my
hometown of Nemacolin, Pennsylvania.
We see high school
grads who can't afford to move out of their parents'
houses and can't afford community college. They're
working dead-end jobs at Circuit City and breaking their
backs working minimum wage jobs at nursing homes.
statistics—these are people we know.
We see men and
women who've spent their entire working lives doing
exactly what they were supposed to. Working hard.
Bringing home a paycheck. Trying to put a little aside
for their kids. Paying their mortgage. Hoping that,
maybe someday, they could retire and move to Florida.
What do they do
when the company tanks? Or packs up and leaves?
What are they
supposed to do for health insurance if they're too young
for Medicare? How are they supposed to get by when the
pensions they were counting on are worth pennies on the
statistics—these are people we know. People we grew up
They lost their
savings. They're living on credit cards. They're may be
three or four paychecks from being homeless.
And we listen to
what's happening to them and we think; but for the grace
of God that could be me.
And it doesn't
matter whether you're in Birmingham, Alabama, or Gary,
Indiana, or Milwaukee, or Cleveland, or LA. Or my
hometown of Nemacolin, Pennsylvania.
Go anywhere in this
country and it's the same story: Working people hanging
on by their fingernails. Their dreams shattered. Gone
Does everyone here
remember how all those people piled on Barack Obama
after he said that a lot of working people in this
country are angry?
'The nerve of him
to say that working people are angry!'
Well, brothers and
sisters, I don't know about you, but I happen to think
that was one of the most honest things I've heard a
presidential candidate say in a long time.
angry? Hell, yes we are—and, you know something? We
ought to be.
I just got through talking about: Income inequality. Low
wages. Americans losing their jobs and their health care
and their pensions.
None of it— none of
it, none of it, had to happen. And the only reason it
did is because we've had leaders in this
country—Republicans and Democrats—whose economic agendas
are based on the same assumption.
It's the disproven,
discredited notion that policies that generate corporate
profits somehow translate into shared prosperity. The
truth is they don't.
The truth is that
what's good for Wall Street has been a nightmare for the
rest of us living back on Main Street.
Just think of it:
We're living in a country with more than $13 trillion a
year in income. American workers have never been more
productive. Corporate profits are surging. Last year,
Exxon Mobil posted sales of $404 billion dollars. They
made almost $1,300 in profit every second!
But even though our
productivity has surged by almost 20 percent (from 2000
through 2006) even though Americans are working longer
hours than workers in any other developed country our
wages have been flat—or even falling—since 2003.
Now, this wasn't
some fluke of nature. It was the direct result of a set
of economic policies that go back to the Reagan
administration, were passed on to Bush one, carried on
by Bill Clinton, and taken to new heights by the
It was a bipartisan
strategy for economic disaster.
We're riding in the
backseat of a car barreling down a hill with four old,
bald, non-union . . . tires.
One of the tires is
called globalization: NAFTA, CAFTA, PNTR for China:
unfair trade deals that force women and men here to
compete with the most impoverished and exploited workers
in the world. The outcome 34 million of good, union
manufacturing jobs lost—and more bargaining power for
The second tire is
small government: Selling off public services to
corporations with one hand, and giving tax breaks to the
rich with the other.
sisters, privatization has never been about getting big
government off our backs; it's about helping corporate
America pick our pockets!
Third tire? Price
stability: Sounds good, but what it means are policies
that focus exclusively on inflation and ignore the
federal government's responsibility—and I'm talking
about a legal responsibility—to help create jobs.
How many folks here
know that the Federal Reserve Board, by law, is supposed
to work for a full-employment economy?
Don't feel bad if
you don't know, because not many in Congress seem to
And the last old
bald . . . tire is marked “labor market flexibility.”
Now, any time we
hear the words “labor” and “flexibility” used in the
same sentence we ought to sit up and take notice.
Because over the last 25 years “labor market
flexibility” has become shorthand for robbing workers of
pensions, health care, and, oh yeah, our right to
Now, most of you
come out of workplaces where you already have bargaining
rights. Well, if you want to know what it's like to try
to get a union today just talk to the folks working at
Community Health Systems' Kentucky River Medical Center.
years of abuse, in 1998 they did what any sensible group
of workers would do: they organized with the United
That was ten years
ago, and to this day, the company is still refusing to
bargain a first contract.
Now, if you ask the
company, they'll tell you that they're only trying to
maintain their “flexibility.” I'm sure they'll tell you
that they need to have the ability to do as they please
because that's what it takes to stay competitive.
Some of them may
even believe that. But we know better.
Union companies are
no less competitive; the fact is they're more
competitive. Just look at the relationship between the
Steelworkers and Gamesa Wind. Gamesa knows that having a
workforce represented by the Steelworkers isn't an
expense; it's an asset.
sisters, labor market flexibility is about one thing
only: it isn't helping companies be more competitive,
it's about making unions weaker.
And, I'll tell you
one other thing: that stops the day the Employee Free
Choice Act is signed!
Small government. Price stability. Labor market
Those are the four
old worn out tires this economy's riding on.
There's no question
that if we don't get some new ones soon we're headed to
a disaster. But the only way that's going to happen is
if we get out of the back seat, grab the wheel and take
control—and that's what this election is all about!
I want to take a
little opinion poll.
If you think
America ought to keep going in the same direction George
Bush and Dick Cheney have been taking us in stand up.
(Well, I'm going to
cut some of you guys in the aisle a break and assume you
didn't understand the question.)
Now, stand up if
you think it's time we had a president who's going to
fight for national health care, sign the Employee Free
Choice Act, strengthen OSHA, defend Social Security, end
the war, and protect American jobs?
congratulations— you just answered the question that's
stumped all the commentators and columnists and
consultants in Washington, D.C. who are asking how
Barack Obama is going to win the votes of workers in
states like Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, West Virginia, and
How can he do it?
You've just said how: by speaking out about the issues
that matter to working people.
Of course, some
folks have said that he needs a special strategy to
reach out to blue collar workers.
That he's got to
talk more about God because a lot of us care about
religion—and more about hunting because, for some of us,
hunting is a religion.
something to that: it shouldn't be any secret that he's
a Christian and that he's for the 2nd Amendment.
But, at the end of
the day, what people are going to need to hear is that
when it comes to protecting jobs, when it comes to
protecting pensions, when it comes to health care, child
care, pay equity for women, Social Security, Medicare,
seeing to it that people can afford to go to college and
buy a home—and restoring the right to collective
bargaining—Barack Obama has always, always been on our
This is a guy who's
voted with labor 98 percent of the time!
Now, contrast that
with John McCain.
On one side you
have Barack: a man who worked full-time helping laid-off
steelworkers in Chicago.
On the other side
you have John McCain who helped pass the trade laws that
resulted in laid-off steelworkers in Chicago.
What kind of man is
Let me read you a
quote. Listen to what he said. This was on April 23rd in
Youngstown, Ohio: “The biggest problem is not so much
what's happened with free trade, but our inability to
adjust to a new world economy.”
In other words,
it's not free trade's fault your plant shut down and
moved to Mexico or China.
It's your fault. If
you can't adjust to free trade, well, suck it up: that's
Now, imagine for a
second, if he's going to Youngstown—of all places—and
says that in an election year, what's he going to do if
he ever makes it to the White House?
You see brothers
and sisters, there's not a single good reason for any
worker—especially any union member—to vote against
There's only one
really bad reason to vote against him: because he's not
And I want to talk
about that because I saw that for myself during the
I went back home to
vote in Nemacolin and I ran into a woman I'd known for
years. She was active in Democratic politics when I was
still in grade school.
We got to talking
and I asked if she'd made up her mind who she was
supporting and she said: “Oh absolutely, I'm voting for
Hillary, there's no way I'd ever vote for Obama.”
Well, why's that?
“Because he's a Muslim.”
I told her, “That's
not true—he's as much a Christian as you and me, so what
if he's Muslim.”
Then she shook her
head and said, “He won't wear an American flag pin.”
I don't have one on
and neither do you.
But, “C'mon, he
wears one plenty of times. He just says it takes more
than wearing a flag pin to be patriotic.”
“Well, I just don't
Why is that?
Her voice dropped
just a bit: “Because he's black.”
I said, “Look
around. Nemacolin's a dying town. There're no jobs here.
Kids are moving away because there's no future here. And
here's a man, Barack Obama, who's going to fight for
people like us and you won't vote for him because of the
color of his skin.”
sisters, we can't tap dance around the fact that there
are a lot of folks out there just like that woman.
A lot of them are
good union people; they just can't get past this idea
that there's something wrong with voting for a black
man. Well, those of us who know better can't afford to
look the other way.
I'm not one for
quoting dead philosophers, but back in the 1700s, Edmund
Burke said: "All that is necessary for evil to triumph
is for good people to do nothing." Well, there's no evil
that's inflicted more pain and more suffering than
racism—and it's something we in the labor movement have
a special responsibility to challenge.
It's our special
responsibility because we know, better than anyone else,
how racism is used to divide working people.
We've seen how
companies set worker against worker—how they throw
whites a few extra crumbs off the table and how we all
end up losing.
But we've seen
something else, too. We've seen that when we cross that
color line and stand together no one can keep us down.
That's why the CIO
was created. That's why industrial unions were the first
to stand up against lynching and segregation. People
need to know that it was the Steel Workers Organizing
Committee—this union—that was founded on the principal
of organizing all workers without regard to race. That's
why the labor movement—imperfect as we are—is the most
integrated institution in American life.
I don't think we
should be out there pointing fingers in peoples' faces
and calling them racist; instead we need to educate them
that if they care about holding on to their jobs, their
health care, their pensions, and their homes—if they
care about creating good jobs with clean energy, child
care, pay equity for women workers—there's only going to
be one candidate on the ballot this fall who's on their
side . . . only one candidate who's going to stand up
for their families . . . only one candidate who's earned
their votes . . . and his name is Barack Obama!
And come November
we are going to elect him president.
And after he's
elected we are going to hit the ground running so that,
years from now, we're going to be able to tell our
grandchildren that 2008 was the year this country
finally turned its back on men like George Bush and Dick
Cheney and John McCain
We're going to be
able to say that 2008 was the year we started ending the
war in Iraq so we could use that money to create new
jobs building wind generators, solar collectors, clean
coal technology and retrofitting millions of buildings
all across this country
We're going to be
able to look back and say that 2008 was the year the
tide began to turn against the Rush Limbaughs, the Bill
O'Reillys, the Ann Coulters and the right wing hate
sisters, we'll be able to say that 2008 was the year we
took our country back from the corporations and had a
government that believed in unions again!
Let me just close
by sharing a story with you.
A number of years
ago, I had the chance to represent the Mine Workers at a
union meeting in South Africa. I knew it was going to be
a big meeting, but I didn't know there'd be 35,000
It was held in a
field near a mine where the company had been
viciously—viciously—brutalizing the workers.
When the escort
committee led me to the stage you could feel the power
of those 35,000 men and women who'd come together that
day, just like you can feel it in this room.
And there, standing
on the platform to welcome us, was a little old man. He
must have been in his 80s and he was holding what looked
like a club. He went up to the microphone and a quiet
came over the crowd. He held that club up and gestured
toward the mine and said that club was "a symbol of
everything we believe in, a symbol of our vision of the
future, and a reminder that so long as we stand united
they will never keep us from victory." They are trying
to take this club out of our hands we will never let
I'd never seen a
crowd erupt that way after he was finished speaking.
I've thought about
that day a lot over the years.
The spirit I felt
in that field. The pride. The unity. The strength. The
power to make change happen.
There are no words
that really honor what I felt that day.
Every time I think
back to that day I'm reminded that, whether it's South
Africa or the U.S. and Canada or the U.K. and
Ireland—that's what trade unionism is all about.
That's our vision.
That's why your
merger with Unite makes so much sense.
and sisters, in the age of globalization it doesn't
matter what country we live in, or what flag we stand
under, what truly matters is that we share the same
hopes and dreams for our children.
We're one movement.
With one vision. We're fighting on different fronts, but
it's always the same battle.
And standing here
today, looking in your eyes, feeling your power, there's
not a doubt in my mind that we're going to win it.
On those nights
before the UMWA conventions . . . when I was the only
person on the convention floor I could close my eyes and
almost hear the voices of all the coal miners who
gathered in past conventions long before I ever went
I'd think about all
their discussions, all their debates.
Coming to agreement.
There were coal
miners from every corner of America and Canada. From
Arizona to Nova Scotia. They spoke English, Italian and
Polish and a dozen other tongues. But they all shared
one language in common: the language of trade unionism.
Workers who were once victims through the miracle of
trade unionism, had been transformed into leaders.
Together, they overcame poverty and brutality that few
today can hardly imagine and built organizations that
won impossible victories.
That's the story of
the American labor movement.
A long, long time
before any of us were born, Eugene Debs said: "
thousand times has the labor movement
stumbled and bruised itself. We have been
enjoined by the courts, assaulted by thugs,
charged by the militia, attacked by the
press, frowned upon in public opinion, and
deceived by politicians. 'But
notwithstanding all this and all these,
labor is today the most vital and potential
power this planet has ever known, and its
historic mission is as certain of ultimate
realization as is the setting of the sun.
sisters, from the era of Debs up to today, the story of
the labor movement—the story of this incredible
union—has been a saga of men and women joining
together—standing up against incredible odds—and
achieving what some thought to be unachievable.
Safer jobs. Pensions. Health care. But more than that we
helped create an America where working people mattered.
Who created Social
Security? Who created the minimum wage? Who created,
Medicare and OSHA and MSHA? We created Family & Medical
Leave? We did it because we see a different America than
some. We see an America where no one's left on the
outside looking in.
We see an America
where everyone has a seat at the table.
We see an America
where the first thing they say to you when you walk into
the hospital isn't "let's see your insurance," it's
"let's see where it hurts." We see an America where
going to college isn't a privilege for a few, but an
opportunity for all.
We see an America
where everyone—regardless of what kind of job they
have—is always treated with respect an America
that truly believes that if there's dignity in all work,
there must be dignity for all workers. We see an America
where women workers aren't treated as second-class
citizens. An America where no one is left to suffer in
That's our vision.
That's the America we're fighting for and that's the
America we're going to win.
and sisters, we are not bankers or stockbrokers. We
don't own insurance companies or drug companies or TV
stations. We're not executives at oil companies or tire
companies or paper companies or steel companies.
By God, we're the
American labor movement. We're strong, we're proud,
we're union! We're not afraid to fight, we not afraid to
win— and we know that the way things are isn't the way
things have to be!
AFL-CIO Secretary-Treasurer Richard Trumka, a veteran
mineworkers union leader who has always been known as
one of labor's fiercest public speakers, was dispatched
to the convention to whip up enthusiasm for the Obama
posted 6 July 2008
* * *
Head Says White Workers Need to Look Beyond Race—The
labor movement needs to educate its members that if they care
about keeping their jobs, health care, pensions, and creating
good jobs, they should support Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill), the
presumptive Democratic candidate for president, AFL-CIO
Secretary-Treasurer Richard Trumka said July 1. . . . Trumka
said that "a lot of white folks...a lot of them good union
people, just can't get past this idea that there is something
wrong with voting for a black man." Trumka received a standing
ovation from the 3,000 delegates when he said, "those of us who
know better can't afford to look the other way." The labor
movement has a responsibility to challenge "racism" because "we
know, better than anyone else, how racism is used to divide
working people," he said. Trumka [and the] AFL-CIO June 26
endorsed Obama and said it would launch its biggest ever
grassroots mobilization effort to educate working families about
Obama and the "anti-worker" polices of his opponent Sen. John
McCain (R-Ariz.). . . . Obama has always been on labor's side
and has voted with labor 98 percent of the time, Trumka said.BNA
* * *
* * *
* * * * *
Corporate Criminals, Political Corruption, and the Hijacking of America
By Charles H. Ferguson
If you’re smart and a hard worker, but your parents aren’t rich, you’re now better off being born in Munich, Germany or in Singapore than in Cleveland, Ohio or New York. This radical shift did not happen by accident. Ferguson shows how, since the Reagan administration in the 1980s, both major political parties have become captives of the moneyed elite. It was the Clinton administration that dismantled the regulatory controls that protected the average citizen from avaricious financiers. It was the Bush team that destroyed the federal revenue base with its grotesquely skewed tax cuts for the rich. And it is the Obama White House that has allowed financial criminals to continue to operate unchecked, even after supposed “reforms” installed after the collapse of 2008.
Predator Nation reveals how once-revered figures like Alan Greenspan and Larry Summers became mere courtiers to the elite.
Based on many newly released court filings, it details the
extent of the crimes—there is no other word—committed in the
frenzied chase for wealth that caused the financial crisis.
And, finally, it lays out a plan of action for how we might take back our country and the American dream.—Read Chapter 1
* * * * *
Super Rich: A Guide to Having it All
By Russell Simmons
Russell Simmons knows firsthand that
wealth is rooted in much more than the
market. True wealth has more to do with
what's in your heart than what's in your
wallet. Using this knowledge, Simmons
became one of America's shrewdest
entrepreneurs, achieving a level of
success that most investors only dream
about. No matter how much material gain
he accumulated, he never stopped lending
a hand to those less fortunate. In
Super Rich, Simmons uses his rare
blend of spiritual savvy and
street-smart wisdom to offer a new
definition of wealth-and share timeless
principles for developing an unshakable
sense of self that can weather any
financial storm. As Simmons says, "Happy
can make you money, but money can't make
* * * * *
The New Jim Crow
Mass Incarceration in the Age of
By Michele Alexander
Contrary to the
rosy picture of race embodied in Barack
Obama's political success and Oprah
Winfrey's financial success, legal
scholar Alexander argues vigorously and
persuasively that [w]e have not ended
racial caste in America; we have merely
redesigned it. Jim Crow and legal racial
segregation has been replaced by mass
incarceration as a system of social
control (More African Americans are
under correctional control today... than
were enslaved in 1850). Alexander
reviews American racial history from the
colonies to the Clinton administration,
delineating its transformation into the
war on drugs. She offers an acute
analysis of the effect of this mass
incarceration upon former inmates who
will be discriminated against, legally,
for the rest of their lives, denied
employment, housing, education, and
Most provocatively, she reveals how both the move
toward colorblindness and affirmative action
may blur our vision of injustice: most
Americans know and don't know the truth
about mass incarceration—but her
carefully researched, deeply engaging,
and thoroughly readable book should
* * * * *
The Gardens of Democracy: A New American Story
of Citizenship, the Economy, and the Role of Government
By Eric Liu and Nick Hanaper
American democracy is informed by the 18th century’s most cutting edge thinking on society, economics, and government. We’ve learned some things in the intervening 230 years about self interest, social behaviors, and how the world works. Now, authors Eric Liu and Nick Hanauer argue that some fundamental assumptions about citizenship, society, economics, and government need updating. For many years the dominant metaphor for understanding markets and government has been the machine. Liu and Hanauer view democracy not as a machine, but as a garden. A successful garden functions according to the inexorable tendencies of nature, but it also requires goals, regular tending, and an understanding of connected ecosystems. The latest ideas from science, social science, and economics—the cutting-edge ideas of today—generate these simple but revolutionary ideas: The economy is not an efficient machine.
It’s an effective garden that need tending. Freedom
is responsibility. Government should be about the
big what and the little how. True self interest is
mutual interest. We’re all better off when we’re all
better off. The model of citizenship depends on
contagious behavior, hence positive behavior begets positive behavior.
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The White Masters of the
The World and Africa, 1965
By W. E. B. Du Bois
W. E. B. Du Bois’
Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization
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Ancient African Nations
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If you like this page consider making a donation
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Negro Digest /
Browse all issues
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The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan
The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll
Only a Pawn in Their Game
Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for
George Jackson /
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The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg
Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804
January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of
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update 9 July