|
Recent Books on Lynching in America
Sherrilyn A. Hill,
On the Courthouse Lawn: Confronting the Legacy of
Lynching in the Twentieth-First Century
(Review)
Without Sanctuary: Lynching Photography in America
(2000) /
100 Years of Lynching (1996) /
Southern Horrors and Other Writings; The Anti-Lynching Campaign
of Ida B. Wells, 1892-1900
(1996)
Lynching in the New
South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Blacks in the New World)
(1993)
Imagery of Lynching: Black Men, White Women, and the Mob
(2004) /
At the Hands of Persons Unknown: The Lynching of Black America
(2003)
* *
* * *
|
Lynching in America—Crucifixion
and lynchings are symbols. They are symbols
of the power of domination. They are symbols
of the destruction of people's humanity.
With black people being 12 percent of the US
population and nearly 50 percent of the
prison population, that's lynching. It's a
legal lynching. So, there are a lot of ways
to lynch a people than just hanging 'em on
the tree. A lynching is trying to control
the population. It is striking terror in the
population so as to control it. That's what
the ghetto does. It crams people into living
spaces where they will self destruct, kill
each other, fight each other, shoot each
other because they have no place to breathe,
no place for recreation, no place for an
articulation and expression of their
humanity. So, it becomes a way, a metaphor
for lynching, if lynching is understood and
as one group forcing a kind of inhumanity
upon another group.
James Cone
|
* *
* * *
Website of photos on Lynching http://www.withoutsanctuary.org/
* *
* * *
Table
* * *
* *
The Politics of Federal Anti-lynching
Legislation in the New Deal Era
By Isabelle Whelan
In 1933, at the beginning of a period
of profound change in the United States, the NAACP launched its new campaign
for federal anti-lynching legislation. The country was in the midst of an
unprecedented economic catastrophe and a new president apparently committed
to the ‘forgotten man’ was in the White House. He headed a newly united
national Democratic coalition of urban liberals and rural conservatives from
the south and west. Federal anti-lynching legislation had been off the
agenda for ten years, since the defeat of a bill introduced by Republican
congressman Leonidas Dyer of Missouri in 1922. The Dyer bill, after having
passed the Republican-controlled House, was blocked by the threat of a
southern filibuster in the Senate. Over the next decade, the GOP made
increasing overtures to the south, pushing yet further aside its historical
commitment to civil rights. But as the Depression bit, campaigns by the
NAACP and southern white liberals against a rise in mob violence helped to
bring lynching more to the fore of the nation’s consciousness.
The reformist atmosphere of the New
Deal gave hope to black leaders and race liberals that the Roosevelt
administration would address the specific needs of African Americans.
Individual states had traditionally been allowed to control their own race
relations, but as the federal government assumed a greater role in its
citizens’ lives during the New Deal, liberal reformers hoped to see this
change. Ultimately, though, the New Dealers’ focus always lay with economic
recovery. Even when they did consider racial issues, it was within a
framework that the “‘Negro problem’ was fundamentally a class problem and
treated best by economic reform.”6 For some liberals, this attitude extended
even to counteracting mob violence, which they expected would die out as
opportunities for both whites and blacks improved.
There were 4,608 victims of lynching in
the United States between 1882 and 1932, of whom more than seven in ten were
African Americans. From a high of 230 in 1892, the number of victims
steadily decreased during the twentieth century, dropping below double
figures for the first time in 1932. The next year, the Roosevelt
administration’s first year in office, the number of lynchings soared to 28,
with the rise possibly aggravated by the economic turmoil of the Depression.
Although lynching had occurred in almost every state in the continental
United States, during the twentieth century it became an increasingly
southern phenomenon, with overwhelmingly African American victims. Until the
early 1900s, lynchings were treated as local matters, and even particularly
brutal cases barely made headline news. By the 1930s, anti-lynching
campaigns had helped make it a more mainstream issue, increasingly commented
on by the white press and in magazines such as the Nation and Literary
Digest.
The Duck Hill lynching—at the height of
the House anti-lynching debate—made only page 52 of the New York Times, but
page one of the African-American paper, the Chicago Defender. A
southern-based movement against lynching developed in the decades before the
New Deal, as white southern liberals began to address some of the problems
facing their region. The Commission on Interracial Cooperation (CIC) was
established in 1919 to promote interracial understanding. One of its main
aims was to eliminate lynching.—SAS
*
* * * *
 |
American Justice 1919
This is the Real Dope: Where Did We Go from Here?
Willie Brown, accused of sexually assaulting a white woman, was lynched on 28 September 1919,
outside of the Douglas County Courthouse in Omaha, Nebraska. Brown was hanged and shot repeatedly. Brown’s body was dragged behind an automobile through downtown Omaha and, eventually, burned at the intersection of 17th and Dodge Streets.
Rights are so much more effectively destroyed by bullying a citizenry out of wanting to exercise them than any other means.—Uruknet |
*
* * * *
|
Settlement Reached in Civil
Suit Charging Franklin County, MS Role in 1964 KKK Murders—On
Monday, June 21, Franklin County, Mississippi agreed to a settlement
in an historic civil suit with the families of Charles Moore
and Henry Dee, two 19-year-old Black men who were kidnapped,
tortured and murdered by members of the Ku Klux Klan on May 2, 1964.
“This is the first time, to my
knowledge, that any civil lawsuit against public officials for
collaborating with the KKK has reached the point of settlement,”
said
Margaret Burnham, lead attorney for the family members who
brought the suit against Franklin County. Klansman James Ford Seale went
to prison in 2007 for his role in the murders; this landmark
civil suit addressed the roles of Mississippi government officials
in the double murder and subsequent cover-up of what had occurred.Cold
Cases
photo:
Henry Dee |
 |
*
* * * *
|
|
Lynchsong
By Lorraine Hansberry
I can hear Rosalee
See the eyes of Willie McGee
My mother told me about
Lynchings
My mother told me about
The dark nights
And dirt roads
And torch lights
And lynch robes
The
faces of men
Laughing white
Faces of men
Dead in the night
sorrow night
and a
sorrow night
1951
Source:
AmericanLynching |
* * *
* *
 |
Writer Lorraine Hansberry's
sober eulogy of the death of Willie McGee weighed heavy on the
hearts and minds of the American Left. On May 8, 1951, a crowd of
five hundred lingered outside the courthouse of Laurel, Mississippi,
to witness the execution of yet another black man convicted for
allegedly raping a white woman. His 1945 lightning trial resulted in
a guilty conviction delivered in less than two and a half minutes by
an all-white, male jury, setting off a heated five-year legal
struggle that drew national headlines. Despite an aggressive appeals
defense team who attempted every legal maneuver in the book, the US
Supreme Court ultimately chose not to intervene. With the legal
lynching of the Martinsville Seven in February, Ethel and Julius
Rosenberg's conviction in March, followed by the execution of McGee
in May, 1951 was a bad year for Left-leaning lawyers (Parrish 1979;
Rise 1995). Most discouraging, national news sources like the New
York Times and Life magazine red-baited the "Save Willie
McGee" campaign and—as Life reported—its "imported" lawyers (Popham
1951a; Life 1951). Few felt McGee's passing with as heavy a heart as
his chief counsel, thirty-one-year-old Bella Abzug. |
Before Abzug became a representative in
Congress and a leader in the peace and women's movements, she confronted the
Southern political and legal system at the height of the early Cold War.
Retained in 1948 by the Civil Rights Congress (CRC)—a New York-headquartered
Popular Front legal defense organization—the novice labor lawyer honed her civil
rights . . .
Source:
https://Litigation-Essentials.LexisNexis
*
* * * *
The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan
/
The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll
/
Only a Pawn in Their Game
Rev. Jesse Lee
Peterson Thanks America for
Slavery
* * *
* *
* * *
* *
|
The
Death of Emmett Till
By Bob Dylan
'Twas down in
Mississippi not so long ago,
When a young boy from Chicago town walked
through a
Southern door.
This boy's fateful tragedy you should all
remember well,
The color of his skin was black and his name
was Emmett Till.
Some men they dragged him to a barn and
there they beat him up.
They said they had a reason, but I
disremember what.
They tortured him and did some things too
evil to
repeat.
There was screaming sounds inside the barn,
there was
laughing sounds out on the street.
Then they rolled his body down a gulf amidst
a blood-red rain
And they threw him in the waters wide to
cease his
screaming pain.
The reason that they killed him there, and
I'm sure it
ain’t no lie,
He was a Black skin boy so he was born to
die
And then to stop the United States of
yelling for a trial,
Two brothers they confessed that they had
killed poor
Emmett Till.
But on the jury there were men who helped
the brothers
commit this awful crime,
And so this trial was a mockery, but nobody
seemed to mind.
I saw the morning papers but I could not
bear to see
The smiling brothers walkin' down the
courthouse stairs.
For the jury found them innocent and the
brothers they went free,
While Emmett's body still floats the foam of
a Jim Crow southern sea.
If you can't speak out against this kind of
thing, a crime
that's so unjust,
Your eyes are filled with dead men's dirt,
your mind is
filled with dust.
Your arms and legs they must be in shackles
and chains, and
your blood it must cease to flow,
For you let this human race fall down so
God-awful low!
This song is just a reminder to remind your
fellow man
That this kind of thing still lives today in
that
ghost-robed Ku Klux Klan.
But if all us folks that thinks alike, if we
gave all we
could give,
We could make this great land of ours a
greater place to live.
* * *
* *
The Death of Emmett Till by
Bob Dylan |
*
* * * *
|
Lynching of Lint Shaw in
Royston, Georgia, 1936 Lynching William Brown in Douglas County, Nebraska, 1919 |
Other Books on Lynching & Violence in
America
The Chronological
History of the Negro in America (1969) /
Strain of
Violence: Historical Studies of American Violence and Vigilantism (1975)
But There Was no Peace: The
Role of Violence in the Politics of Reconstruction
(1984) /
Lynch Law
( 1905) /
An American Dilemma
(1944)
The Crucible of Race:
Black-White Relations in the American South Since Emancipation
(1984) /
Encyclopedia of Southern Culture.
(1989)
Rope and Faggot
( 1929) /
The Tragedy of
Lynching (1933) /
Race Riot in East St,
Louis (1964) /
Urban Racial Violence
(1976)
/
Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders
(1968) /
Violence
in America (1969) *
* * * *
Dear Mr. Lewis,
I'm writing for a friend who is currently in possession of a very old
postcard picturing 3 very well dressed black men who, unfortunately, have been
hung. Doing research on Ida B. Well-Barnett I've found a story on three such men
in Memphis on the date March 9, 1892. Handwritten in ink on the card is a date
that seems to be 9/9/1892 but because of the age of the card the first 9 is a
little intelligible. Is it possible that this incident could have been made a
post card? I've never encountered anything quite like this before.
Frank (4 May 2007)
*
* * * *
|
 |
|
Strange Fruit Anniversary of a Lynching
August 7, 2010
Eighty
years ago, two young African-American men, Thomas Shipp and Abram
Smith, were lynched in the town center of Marion, Indiana. . . .
Local photographer
Lawrence Beitler took what would become the most iconic photograph
of lynching in America. The photograph shows two bodies hanging from
a tree surrounded by a crowd of ordinary citizens, including women
and children. Thousands of copies were made and sold. The photograph
helped inspire the poem and song Strange Fruit written by Abel Meeropol—and performed around the world by Billie Holiday.
But
there was a third person, 16-year-old
James Cameron, who narrowly survived the lynching.
"After
15 or 20 minutes of having their pictures taken and everything, they
came back to get me. . . And I looked over to the faces of the
people as they were beating me along the way to the tree. I was
pleading for some kind of mercy, looking for a kind face. But I
could find none. . . . And that's when I prayed to God. I said,
'Lord have mercy, forgive me my sins.' I was ready to die."
NPR
NPR Transcript
|
Strange Fruit Lyncing Report
*
* * * *
|
White Things
By Anne Spencer
Most things are colorful things—
the sky, earth, and sea.
Black men are most men;
but the white are free!
White things are rare things;
so rare, so rare
They stole from out a silvered
world—somewhere.
Finding earth-plains fair plains,
save greenly grassed,
They strewed white feathers of
cowardice, as they passed;
The golden stars with lances fine,
The hills all red and darkened pine,
They blanched with their want of power;
And turned the blood in a ruby rose
To a poor white poppy-flower.
They pyred a race of black, black men,
And burned them to ashes white; then,
Laughing, a young one claimed a skull,
For the skull of a black is white, not dull,
But a glistening awful thing
Made, it seems, for this ghoul to swing
In the face of God with all his might,
And swear by the hell that sired him:
"Man-maker, make white!" |
Poet Anne Spencer ((1882-1976))
lived and worked in the Pierce Street home from 1903 until death in 1975.
Internationally recognized as a poet of the Harlem Renaissance period, Anne
was the first Virginian and first African-American to have her poetry
included in the Norton Anthology of American Poetry. Also an activist for
equality and educational opportunities for all, she hosted such dignitaries
as Hughes, Marian Anderson, George Washington Carver, Thurgood Marshall, Dr.
Martin Luther King Jr., James Weldon Johnson, and W.E.B. Dubois. The local
chapter of the NAACP was founded from her home. The restored garden, where
Anne was an avid gardener, and Edankraal, a one-room retreat where Anne did
much of her writing, are also part of the property.—WEB
Archives
*
* * * *
*
* * * *
 |
Without Sanctuary: Lynching Photography in America
Edited by
James Allen
These images make the past
present. They refute the notion that photographs of charged
historical subjects lose their power, softening and becoming
increasingly aesthetic with time. These images are not going softly
into any artistic realm. Instead they send shock waves through the
brain, implicating ever larger chunks of American society and in
many ways reaching up to the present. They give one a deeper and far
sadder understanding of what it has meant to be white and to be
black in America. And what it still means.—New
York Times, January 13, 2000 |
*
* * * *
Lynchings in America . . . a bit of history that sheds light
on the present and future
 |
When I was a boy growing up in
New Orleans, Louisiana, the word lynching was hardly ever mentioned.
My parents only said these "mean" acts happened in the country
(rural areas) with white men in white gowns (the
KKK). In
all my schooling, through high school and on to college, lynching
was never part of a lecture or connected with American history. I
knew of the word, lynching, but never, never the scope of this
violent, hateful act.
On Thursday, January 13, 2000,
an article entitled, "An Ugly Legacy Lives on, Its Glare Unsoftened
by Age," by Robert Smith was published in the New York Times. This
excellent article revealed a world not known by many Americans
living today and especially by me. Without my explaining here, it
should be read by all persons, especially as it pertains to race and
hate. Without understanding this past evil history, we cannot
understand why hate is on the rise today in this year of 2000. |
After reading the New York Times article, I
wanted to know more about lynching and what could possibly be presented on this
squeamish subject. It turned out that an exhibit of rare collected photo
postcards were on display featuring lynchings as they took place in America from
1883-1960. I saw this exhibit. It was on view at the Roth Horowitz Gallery in
New York City until February 12, 2000. This small gallery took in only about
fifteen people at a time, and the line was long. Watching the viewers as they
exited revealed what was inside: people with tears, some with anguish, some
looked surprised with the horror they had seen.
This New York exhibition presented the
collected photocards of Mr. James Allen, a white Atlanta resident who, for
fifteen years, sought out these images of racial horror and self-righteous
vigilante acts as rare finds. Since most of these photocards were kept as
"keepsakes" by some families, Mr. Allen had to solicit ads for purchase. He paid
from fifteen dollars to as much as thirty thousand dollars for individual cards.
The sixty photo postcards and other material were temporarily housed in the
library at Emory University to allow scholars to have access to it, but are now
being held by their owner at
www.withoutsanctuary.org
/ Melvin
Sylvester, Feb. 2000
* * * *
*
"Cloaking an Apology for Lawlessness"
Ida B. Wells, Frances Willard and the
Lynching Controversy, 1890-1894
Author: Amy Hackett
Advisor: Jean Humez
Abstract:
Between 1890 and 1894, as calls to protect the honor
of white womanhood abounded in an American society ripe with conflict over race,
gender and morality, there erupted a controversy over lynching between social
reformer Frances Willard, the president of the Woman's Christian Temperance
Union, and anti-lynching activist Ida B. Wells. Ida B. Wells vehemently
protested lynching, arguing that the justification for lynching predicated on
the black rape of white women was a myth created by white men as an excuse to
lynch black men in attempts to regain political and economic power in the
post-Civil War era.
Wells also radically contended that white women were
engaging in these types of relationships, even seducing black men, deceiving
white society by denying that relationships could be consensual, and then
standing by while African American men were lynched for rape. Her suggestion
that white women might voluntarily engage in sexual relationships with black
men, provocatively challenged the concepts of the purity, chastity and morality
of white womanhood central to the conceptual framework of the W.C.T.U.
As the president of one of America's foremost social
reform organizations, Frances Willard called for the protection of the purity of
white womanhood from threats to morality and safety. In her attempts to bring
Southern women into the W.C.T.U., Frances Willard accepted the rape myth and
publicly condoned lynching and the color line in the South. Wells argued that as
a Christian reformer, Willard should be speaking out against lynching, but
instead seemed to support the position of Southerners.
While Willard strongly refuted Wells' claims and made
statements denouncing lynching, she continued to accept the rape myth, denying
that white women could possibly take part in sexual relationships with black
men. For Willard, accepting Wells' position on voluntary interracial sex would
have meant admitting that true white women were not pure, chaste and moral,
undercutting the basic conceptual underpinnings of her organization.
This paper examines the lynching controversy between
Frances Willard and Ida B. Wells as a lens through which to view the broader
subject of race relations in white-founded social reform movements, especially
the issues of white womanhood, African American manhood, and sexuality in the
late nineteenth century America.
First, this paper explains Frances Willard's personal
and professional background, as well as the early history of the Woman's
Christian Temperance Union. I focus on how Willard's childhood experiences
shaped her understanding of the "woman question" and her interest in education
and social reform. I also explore how Willard's political strategy as the
president of the W.C.T.U., specifically in recruiting Southern white women and
African American women to membership, had consequences for her position in the
lynching controversy.
Second, this paper focuses on Wells' persona and
professional background and how she came to commit her energies to a campaign
against lynching. In this section, I focus on Wells' personal experience as a
single African American woman in the South, and how she turned to protest of
racial discrimination as a central focus of her professional career.
In both of the first two sections, I argue that the
early experiences of both women shaped their approaches to activism and the
values they espoused in their advocacy.
Third, this paper details the lynching controversy
itself, providing an analysis of the debate through examining the speeches and
publications of Wells and Willard on the lynching between 1890 and 1894. Lastly,
this paper attempts to explain why Wells and Willard were unable to come to any
agreement on the lynching controversy. Central to this discussion is
understanding how Wells and Willard envision protection for women. Willard's and
Wells' concepts of protection for women included an implicit stance on white and
black sexuality, as well as white womanhood and black manhood, particularly in
the context of the debate. Ultimately, Wells and Willard spoke at cross purposes
and were unable to see each other's positions.
In this paper, I utilize the speeches and publications
of Wells and Willard between 1890 and 1894, which convey their positions on race
relations, concepts of womanhood, lynching and rape, to produce a complex
picture of the lynching controversy. In order to develop an understanding of
Wells' personal history and position on the controversy, I extensively rely upon
Wells' autobiography, Crusade for Justice, and Patricia Schechter's recent
biography of Wells, Ida B. Wells-Barnett and American Reform, 1880-1930, as well
as other biographical works on Wells.
Similarly, I make extensive use of Willard's published
journal and Ruth Bordin's biography on Willard, Frances Willard: A Biography,
and her book on the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Woman and Temperance, in
addition to other biographies written on Willard (although these biographies are
quite dated) to explain Willard's background and the history of the W.C.T.U. I
also utilize scholarship on Southern sexual politics, lynching and concepts of
white womanhood, including works by Paula Baker, Robyn Wiegman, Gail Bederman,
Glenda Gilmore and Hazel Carby.
This paper may be of interest to students and scholars
of history and American Studies who are examining race relations in
white-founded social reform movements in America in the late nineteenth century.
This paper is specifically relevant of those examining issues of white
womanhood, African American manhood and sexuality during this time.
Lastly, this paper may be of particular interest to
those focused on examining the link between power and sexuality in the political
and social climate of Reconstruction, and the consequences for the African
American community.
Roundtable UMB
* * * *
*
|
George H. White, Congressman of North
Carolina (1897-1901), introduced into the House of
Representatives (January 20, 1900) the first bill designed to
make lynching a federal offense. the year before White
introduced his bill, 87 Negroes and twelve white men had been
lynched. During the decade before 1890 to 1900 1,127 mob murders
by hanging, burning, shooting, or beating were recorded.
Newspapers from January to October, 1900,
reported 114 lynchings, all but two in the South. "It is
evident that the white people of the South have no further use
of the Negro," wrote an Arkansas minister, E.M. Argyle, to
the Christian Recorder in 1892. "he is being treated
worse now than at any other time since the surrender." |
 |
But that same year Frederick Douglass said,
"Nor is the south alone responsible for this burning shame.
. . . The sin against the Negro is both sectional and national;
and until the voice of the North shall be heard in emphatic
condemnation and withering reproach against these
continued ruthless mob law murders, it will remain equally
involved with the South in this common crime."
The Cleveland Gazette reported in 1898
violence against two Negro postmasters: the shooting of Isaac H.
Loftin in Georgia and the burning of the post office and
lynching of a Postmaster Baker in Lake City, South Carolina. His
wife, three daughters, and a son were wounded and a baby in arms
was killed. In both of these cases, the paper stated, concerning
the mob, "No effort to arrest and punish them has ever been
made."
* * *
* *
Miriam DeCosta-Willis,
The
Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells (Review)
* * *
* *
Ida B. Wells: a Passion for
Justice
Documents the dramatic life
and turbulent times of the pioneering African American journalist, activist,
suffragist and anti-lynching crusader of the post-Reconstruction period.
* * *
* * Ida B.
Wells--A demand for the arrest and punishment of
lynchers became a major Negro crusade at the turn of the
century. the outstanding figure at the turn of the century. the
outstanding figure in this movement was a Negro woman, Ida B.
Wells, who compiled in 1895 the first statistical pamphlet
on lynching, The Red Record. Miss Wells, born in
Mississippi in 1869, taught school in Memphis, Tennessee, until
she became the editor and part-owner of a newspaper, the Memphis
Free Speech, which circulated throughput the Mississippi
Delta.
When in May 1892, her paper exposed some of
the forces involved in the lynching of three young Negro
businessmen in Memphis, her offices were demolished by white
hoodlums and she was driven from the city.
In Chicago, Ida B. Wells married the militant
race leader Ferdinand Barnett and both became active in the
National Equal Rights League. Mrs. Wells-Barnett became chairman
of the Anti-Lynching Bureau of the National Afro-American
Council and a famous speaker at home and abroad on Negro rights.
Statistically she proved that the
"protection of white womanhood," as the South claimed,
was not the basis for lynchings, since in no given year had even
half of the Negroes who were lynched been charged with rape or
attempted rape and that in 1900 less than 15 per cent of those
lynched had been so suspected. Lynching, she contended was a
form of intimidation to preserve the plantation economy and the
white ballot box of the South.
Source: Langston Hughes, Milton Meltzer, and Langston Hughes.
A
Pictorial History of Blackamericans. New York: Crown Publishers,
Inc., 1983. * * *
* *
The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll—From
the album The Times They Are a-Changin' "The Lonesome Death of Hattie
Carroll" is a topical song written by the American musician Bob Dylan. Recorded
on October 23, 1963, the song was released on Dylan's 1964 album The Times
They Are A-Changin' and gives a generally factual account of the killing of
51-year-old barmaid Hattie Carroll by the wealthy young tobacco farmer from
Charles County, Maryland, William Devereux "Billy" Zantzinger (whom the song
calls "William Zanzinger"), and his subsequent sentence to six months in a
county jail. Dylan's song, however, sentenced Zantzinger to lifelong infamy. The
song never mentions that Zantzinger was white, and Hattie Carroll black, it's
understood, according to Dylan biographer Howard Sounes, "a mark of Dylan's
skill, the song combines the artistry of a poet and the economy of a news
reporter." The lyrics are a commentary on the racism of the 1960s, which valued
a black woman's life so lightly. In 1963 when Hattie Carroll was killed, Charles
County was still strictly segregated by race in public facilities such as
restaurants, churches, theaters, doctor's offices, buses, and the county fair.
The schools of Charles County were not integrated until 1967. The main incident
of the song took place in the early hours of February 9, 1963, at the white tie
Spinsters' Ball at the Emerson Hotel in Baltimore, Maryland. Using a toy cane,
Zantzinger drunkenly assaulted at least three of the Emerson Hotel workers: a
bellboy, a waitress, and at about 1:30 in the morning of the 9th Carroll, a
barmaid. In addition to her work at the hotel, Hattie Carroll, at 51, was the
mother of eleven children.
* * *
* *
Bill Moyers
Interviews Douglass A. Blackmon
http://www.pbs.org/moyers/journal/06202008/watch2.html
Douglas A. Blackmon,
Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil
War to World War II (2008)
* * *
* *
* *
* * *
 |
Sex at the Margins
Migration, Labour Markets and the Rescue Industry
By Laura María Agustín
This book explodes several myths: that selling sex is completely different from any other kind of work, that migrants who sell sex are passive victims and that the multitude of people out to save them are without self-interest. Laura Agustín makes a passionate case against these stereotypes, arguing that the label 'trafficked' does not accurately describe migrants' lives and that the 'rescue industry' serves to disempower them. Based on extensive research amongst both migrants who sell sex and social helpers, Sex at the Margins provides a radically different analysis. Frequently, says Agustin, migrants make rational choices to travel and work in the sex industry, and although they are treated like a marginalised group they form part of the dynamic global economy. Both powerful and controversial, this book is essential reading for all those who want to understand the increasingly important relationship between sex markets, migration and the desire for social justice. "Sex at the Margins rips apart distinctions between migrants, service work and sexual labour and reveals the utter complexity of the contemporary sex industry. This book is set to be a trailblazer in the study of sexuality."—Lisa Adkins, University of London |
* * * * *
|
Debt: The First 5,000 Years
By David Graeber
Before there was money, there was debt. Every economics textbook says the same thing: Money was invented to replace onerous and complicated barter systems—to relieve ancient people from having to haul their goods to market. The problem with this version of history? There’s not a shred of evidence to support it. Here anthropologist David Graeber presents a stunning reversal of conventional wisdom. He shows that for more than 5,000 years, since the beginnings of the first agrarian empires, humans have used elaborate credit systems to buy and sell goods—that is, long before the invention of coins or cash. It is in this era, Graeber argues, that we also first encounter a society divided into debtors and creditors. Graeber shows that arguments about debt and debt forgiveness have been at the center of political debates from Italy to China, as well as sparking innumerable insurrections. He also brilliantly demonstrates that the language of the ancient works of law and religion (words like “guilt,” “sin,” and “redemption”) derive in large part from ancient debates about debt, and shape even our most basic ideas of right and wrong. We are still fighting these battles today without knowing it. Debt: The First 5,000 Years is a fascinating chronicle of this little known history—as well as how it has defined human history, and what it means for the credit crisis of the present day and the future of our economy. Economist Glenn Loury /Criminalizing a Race
|
 |
* * * * *
The White Masters of the
World
From
The World and Africa, 1965
By W. E. B. Du Bois
W. E. B. Du Bois’
Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization
(Fletcher)
* *
* * *
Ancient African Nations
* * * * *
If you like this page consider making a donation
* * * * *
Negro Digest /
Black World
Browse all issues
1950
1960
1965
1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
____ 2005
Enjoy!
* * * * *
The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan
/
The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll
/
Only a Pawn in Their Game
Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for
Slavery /
George Jackson /
Hurricane Carter
* *
* * *
The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg
The
Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804
/
January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of
Haiti
* * * * *
* *
* * *
update 2 July 2008
|