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UN General Assembly
Speech
By
President Mahmoud Abbas
22 September 2011
Mr. President of the General
Assembly of the United Nations, Mr. Secretary-General of
the United Nations, Excellencies, Ladies and
Gentlemen.
At the outset, I wish to extend my
congratulations to H.E. Mr.
Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser on his assumption of the
Presidency of the Assembly for this session, and wish
him all success. I reaffirm today my sincere
congratulations, on behalf of the Palestine Liberation
Organization and the Palestinian people, to the
government and people of
South
Sudan for its deserved admission as a full member of
the United Nations, wishing them progress and
prosperity.
I also congratulate
the Secretary-General, H.E. Mr.
Ban
Ki-moon, on his election for a new term at the helm
of the United Nations. This renewal of confidence
reflects the world’s appreciation for his efforts, which
have strengthened the role of the United Nations.
Excellencies, Ladies and
Gentlemen.
The Question
Palestine is intricately linked with the United Nations
via the resolutions adopted by its various organs and
agencies and via the essential and lauded role of the
United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine
Refugees in the Near East—UNRWA—which
embodies the international responsibility towards the
plight of Palestine refugees, who are the victims of
Al-Nakba
(Catastrophe) that occurred in 1948. We aspire for and
seek a greater and more effective role for the United
Nations in working to achieve a just and comprehensive
peace in our region that ensures the inalienable,
legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people as
defined by the resolutions of international legitimacy
of the United Nations.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen.
A year ago, at this
same time, distinguished leaders in this hall addressed
the stalled peace efforts in our region. Everyone had
high hopes for a new round of final status negotiations,
which had begun in early September in Washington under
the direct auspices of
President Barack Obama and with participation of the
Quartet, and with Egyptian and Jordanian
participation, to reach a peace agreement within one
year. We entered those negotiations with open hearts and
attentive ears and sincere intentions, and we were ready
with our documents, papers, and proposals. But the
negotiations broke down just weeks after their launch.
After this, we did
not give up and did not cease our efforts for
initiatives and contacts. Over the past year we did not
leave a door to be knocked or channel to be tested or
path to be taken and we did not ignore any formal or
informal party of influence and stature to be addressed.
We positively considered the various ideas and proposals
and initiatives presented from many countries and
parties. But all of these sincere efforts and endeavors
undertaken by international parties were repeatedly
wrecked by the positions of the Israeli government,
which quickly dashed the hopes raised by the launch of
negotiations last September.
The core issue here
is that the Israeli government refuses to commit to
terms of reference for the negotiations that are based
on international law and United Nations resolutions, and
that it frantically continues to intensify building of
settlements on the territory of the State of Palestine.
Settlement
activities embody the core of the policy of colonial
military occupation of the land of the Palestinian
people and all of the brutality of aggression and racial
discrimination against our people that this policy
entails. This policy, which constitutes a breach of
international humanitarian law and United Nations
resolutions, is the primary cause for the failure of the
peace process, the collapse of dozens of opportunities,
and the burial of the great hopes that arose from the
signing of the
Declaration of Principles in 1993 between the
Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel to
achieve a just peace that would begin a new era for our
region.
The reports of
United Nations missions as well as by several Israeli
institutions and civil societies convey a horrific
picture about the size of the settlement campaign, which
the Israeli government does not hesitate to boast about
and which it continues to execute through the systematic
confiscation of the Palestinian lands and the
construction of thousands of new settlement units in
various areas of the West Bank, particularly in
East Jerusalem, and accelerated construction of the
annexation Wall that is eating up large tracts of our
land, dividing it into separate and isolated islands and
cantons, destroying family life and communities and the
livelihoods of tens of thousands of families.
The occupying Power
also continues to refuse permits for our people to build
in Occupied
East Jerusalem, at the same time that it intensifies
its decades-long campaign of demolition and confiscation
of homes, displacing Palestinian owners and residents
under a multi-pronged policy of ethnic cleansing aimed
at pushing them away from their ancestral homeland. In
addition, orders have been issued to deport elected
representatives from the city of Jerusalem. The
occupying Power also continues to undertake excavations
that threaten our holy places, and its military
checkpoints prevent our citizens from getting access to
their mosques and churches, and it continues to besiege
the Holy City with a ring of settlements imposed to
separate the Holy City from the rest of the Palestinian
cities.
The occupation is
racing against time to redraw the borders on our land
according to what it wants and to impose a
fait accompli on the ground that changes the
realities and that is undermining the realistic
potential for the existence of the State of Palestine.
At the same time, the occupying Power continues to
impose its blockade on the Gaza Strip and to target
Palestinian civilians by assassinations, air strikes and
artillery shelling, persisting with its war of
aggression of three years ago on Gaza, which resulted in
massive destruction of homes, schools, hospitals, and
mosques, and the thousands of martyrs and wounded.
The occupying Power
also continues its incursions in areas of the
Palestinian National Authority through raids,
arrests, and killings at the checkpoints. In recent
years, the criminal actions of armed settler militias,
who enjoy the special protection of the occupation army,
has intensified with the perpetration of frequent
attacks against our people, targeting their homes,
schools, universities, mosques, fields, crops and trees.
Despite our repeated warnings, the occupying Power has
not acted to curb these attacks and we hold them fully
responsible for the crimes of the settlers.
These are just a
few examples of the policy of the
Israeli colonial settlement occupation, and this
policy is responsible for the continued failure of the
successive international attempts to salvage the peace
process. This policy will destroy the chances of
achieving a two-State solution upon which there is an
international consensus, and here I caution aloud: This
settlement policy threatens to also undermine the
structure of the Palestinian National Authority and even
end its existence. In addition, we now face the
imposition of new conditions not previously raised,
conditions that will transform the raging conflict in
our inflamed region into a religious conflict and a
threat to the future of a million and a half Christian
and Muslim Palestinians, citizens of Israel, a matter
which we reject and which is impossible for us to accept
being dragged into.
All of these
actions taken by Israel in our country are unilateral
actions and are not based on any earlier agreements.
Indeed, what we witness is a selective application of
the agreements aimed at perpetuating the occupation.
Israel reoccupied the cities of the West Bank by a
unilateral action, and reestablished the civil and
military occupation by a unilateral action, and it is
the one that determines whether or not a Palestinian
citizen has the right to reside in any part of the
Palestinian Territory. And it is confiscating our land
and our water and obstructing our movement as well as
the movement of goods. And it is the one obstructing our
whole destiny. All of this is unilateral.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen.
In 1974, our
deceased leader
Yasser Arafat came to this hall and assured the
Members of the General Assembly of our affirmative
pursuit for peace, urging the United Nations to realize
the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian
people, stating: “Do not let the olive branch fall from
my hand.” In 1988, President Arafat again addressed the
General Assembly, which convened in Geneva to hear him,
where he submitted the Palestinian peace program adopted
by the
Palestine National Council at its session held that
year in Algeria.
When we adopted
this program, we were taking a painful and very
difficult step for all of us, especially those,
including myself, who were forced to leave their homes
and their towns and villages, carrying only some of our
belongings and our grief and our memories and the keys
of our homes to the camps of exile and the Diaspora in
the 1948 Al-Nakba, one of the worst operations of
uprooting, destruction and removal of a vibrant and
cohesive society that had been contributing in a
pioneering and leading way in the cultural, educational
and economic renaissance of the Arab Middle East.
Yet, because we
believe in peace and because of our conviction in
international legitimacy, and because we had the courage
to make difficult decisions for our people, and in the
absence of absolute justice, we decided to adopt the
path of relative justice—justice
that is possible and could correct part of the grave
historical injustice committed against our people. Thus,
we agreed to establish the State of Palestine on only
22% of the territory of historical Palestine—on
all the Palestinian Territory occupied by Israel in
1967.
We, by taking that
historic step, which was welcomed by the States of the
world, made a major concession in order to achieve a
historic compromise that would allow peace to be made in
the land of peace.
In the years that
followed—from
the
Madrid Conference and the Washington negotiations
leading to the
Oslo
agreement, which was signed 18 years ago in the
garden of the White House and was linked with the
letters of mutual recognition between the PLO and
Israel, we persevered and dealt positively and
responsibly with all efforts aimed at the achievement of
a lasting peace agreement. Yet, as we said earlier,
every initiative and every conference and every new
round of negotiations and every movement was shattered
on the rock of the Israeli settlement expansion project.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen.
I confirm, on
behalf of the
Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole
legitimate representative of the Palestinian people,
which will remain so until the end of the conflict in
all its aspects and until the resolution of all final
status issues, the following:
1. The goal of the
Palestinian people is the realization of their
inalienable national rights in their independent State
of Palestine, with East Jerusalem as its capital, on all
the land of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and
the Gaza Strip, which Israel occupied in the June 1967
war, in conformity with the resolutions of international
legitimacy and with the achievement of a just and agreed
upon solution to the Palestine refugee issue in
accordance with
Resolution 194, as stipulated in the
Arab Peace Initiative which presented the consensus
Arab vision to resolve the core the Arab-Israeli
conflict and to achieve a just and comprehensive peace.
To this we adhere and this is what we are working to
achieve. Achieving this desired peace also requires the
release of political prisoners and detainees in Israeli
prisons without delay.
2. The
PLO and the Palestinian people adhere to the
renouncement of violence and rejection and condemning of
terrorism in all its forms, especially State terrorism,
and adhere to all agreements signed between the
Palestine Liberation Organization and
Israel.
3. We adhere to the
option of negotiating a lasting solution to the conflict
in accordance with resolutions of international
legitimacy. Here, I declare that the
Palestine Liberation Organization is ready to return
immediately to the negotiating table on the basis of the
adopted terms of reference based on international
legitimacy and a complete cessation of settlement
activities.
4. Our people will
continue their popular peaceful resistance to the
Israeli occupation and its settlement and apartheid
policies and its construction of the racist
annexation Wall, and they receive support for their
resistance, which is consistent with international
humanitarian law and international conventions and has
the support of peace activists from Israel and around
the world, reflecting an impressive, inspiring and
courageous example of the strength of this defenseless
people, armed only with their dreams, courage, hope and
slogans in the face of bullets, tanks, tear gas and
bulldozers.
5. When we bring
our plight and our case to this international podium, it
is a confirmation of our reliance on the political and
diplomatic option and is a confirmation that we do not
undertake unilateral steps. Our efforts are not aimed at
isolating Israel or de-legitimizing it; rather we want
to gain legitimacy for the cause of the people of
Palestine. We only aim to de-legitimize the
settlement activities and the occupation and apartheid
and the logic of ruthless force, and we believe that all
the countries of the world stand with us in this regard.
I am here to say on
behalf of the Palestinian people and the
Palestine Liberation Organization: We extend our
hands to the Israeli government and the Israeli people
for peace-making. I say to them: Let us urgently build
together a future for our children where they can enjoy
freedom, security and prosperity. Let us build the
bridges of dialogue instead of checkpoints and walls of
separation, and build cooperative relations based on
parity and equity between two neighboring States—Palestine
and Israel—instead
of policies of occupation, settlement, war, and
eliminating the other.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen.
Despite the
unquestionable right of our people to self-determination
and to the independence of our State as stipulated in
international resolutions, we have accepted in the past
few years to engage in what appeared to be a test of our
worthiness, entitlement, and eligibility. During the
last two years our national authority has implemented a
program to build our State institutions. Despite the
extraordinary situation and the Israeli obstacles
imposed, a serious extensive project was launched that
has included the implementation of plans to enhance and
advance the judiciary and the apparatus for maintenance
of order and security, to develop the administrative,
financial, and oversight systems, to upgrade the
performance of institutions, and to enhance
self-reliance to reduce the need for foreign aid. With
the thankful support of Arab countries and donors from
friendly countries, a number of large infrastructure
projects have been implemented, focused on various
aspects of service, with special attention to rural and
marginalized areas.
In the midst of
this massive national project, we have been
strengthening what we seeking to be the features of our
State: from the preservation of security for the citizen
and public order; to the promotion of judicial authority
and rule of law; to strengthening the role of women via
legislation, laws and participation; to ensuring the
protection of public freedoms and strengthening the role
of civil society institutions; to institutionalizing
rules and regulations for ensuring accountability and
transparency in the work of our Ministries and
departments; to entrenching the pillars of democracy as
the basis for the Palestinian political life.
When division
struck the unity of our homeland, people and
institutions, we were determined to adopt dialogue for
restoration of our unity. We succeeded months ago in
achieving national reconciliation and we hope that its
implementation will be accelerated in the coming weeks.
The core pillar of this reconciliation was to turn to
the people through legislative and presidential
elections within a year, because the State we want will
be a State characterized by the rule of law, democratic
exercise and protection of the freedoms and equality of
all citizens without any discrimination and the transfer
of power through the ballot box.
The reports issued
recently by the
United Nations, the
World
Bank, the
Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC) and the
International Monetary Fund confirm and laud what
has been accomplished, considering it a remarkable and
unprecedented model. The consensus conclusion by the
AHLC a few days ago here described what has been
accomplished as a “remarkable international success
story” and confirmed the readiness of the Palestinian
people and their institutions for the immediate
independence of the State of Palestine.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen.
It is no longer
possible to redress the issue of the blockage of the
horizon of the peace talks with the same means and
methods that have been repeatedly tried and proven
unsuccessful over the past years. The crisis is far too
deep to be neglected, and what is more dangerous are
attempts to simply circumvent it or postpone its
explosion.
It is neither
possible, nor practical, nor acceptable to return to
conducting business as usual, as if everything is fine.
It is futile to go into negotiations without clear
parameters and in the absence of credibility and a
specific timetable. Negotiations will be meaningless as
long as the occupation army on the ground continues to
entrench its occupation, instead of rolling it back, and
continues to change the demography of our country in
order to create a new basis on which to alter the
borders.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen.
It is a moment of
truth and my people are waiting to hear the answer of
the world. Will it allow Israel to continue its
occupation,
the only occupation in the world? Will it allow
Israel to remain a State above the law and
accountability? Will it allow Israel to continue
rejecting the resolutions of the Security Council and
the General Assembly of the United Nations and the
International Court of Justice and the positions of
the overwhelming majority of countries in the world?
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen.
I come before you
today from the Holy Land, the land of Palestine, the
land of divine messages,
ascension of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon
him) and the birthplace of Jesus Christ (peace be upon
him), to speak on behalf of the Palestinian people in
the homeland and in the the Diaspora, to say, after 63
years of suffering of the ongoing
Nakba:
Enough. It is time for the Palestinian people to gain
their freedom and independence.
The time has come
to end the suffering and the plight of millions of
Palestine refugees in the homeland and the Diaspora, to
end their displacement and to realize their rights, some
of them forced to take refuge more than once in
different places of the world.
At a time when the
Arab peoples affirm their quest for democracy—the
Arab Spring—the
time is now for the Palestinian Spring, the time for
independence.
The time has come
for our men, women and children to live normal lives,
for them to be able to sleep without waiting for the
worst that the next day will bring; for mothers to be
assured that their children will return home without
fear of suffering killing, arrest or humiliation; for
students to be able to go to their schools and
universities without checkpoints obstructing them. The
time has come for sick people to be able to reach
hospitals normally, and for our farmers to be able to
take care of their good land without fear of the
occupation seizing the land and its water, which the
wall prevents access to, or fear of the settlers, for
whom settlements are being built on our land and who are
uprooting and burning the olive trees that have existed
for hundreds of years. The time has come for the
thousands of prisoners to be released from the prisons
to return to their families and their children to become
a part of building their homeland, for the freedom of
which they have sacrificed.
My people desire to
exercise their right to enjoy a normal life like the
rest of humanity. They believe what the great poet
Mahmoud Darwish said: Standing here, staying here,
permanent here, eternal here, and we have one goal, one,
one: to be.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen.
We profoundly
appreciate and value the positions of all States that
have supported our struggle and our rights and
recognized the State of Palestine following the
Declaration of Independence in 1988, as well as the
countries that have recently recognized the State of
Palestine and those that have upgraded the level of
Palestine’s representation in their capitals. I also
salute the Secretary-General, who said a few days ago
that the Palestinian State should have been established
years ago.
Be assured that
this support for our people is more valuable to them
than you can imagine, for it makes them feel that
someone is listening to their narrative and that their
tragedy and the horrors of
Al-Nakba:
and the occupation, from which they have so suffered,
are not being ignored. And, it reinforces their hope
that stems from the belief that justice is possible in
this in this world. The loss of hope is the most
ferocious enemy of peace and despair is the strongest
ally of extremism.
I say: The time has
come for my courageous and proud people, after decades
of displacement and colonial occupation and ceaseless
suffering, to live like other peoples of the earth, free
in a sovereign and independent homeland.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen.
I would like to
inform you that, before delivering this statement, I
submitted, in my capacity as the President of the State
of Palestine and Chairman of the Executive Committee of
the Palestine Liberation Organization, to H.E. Mr.
Ban
Ki-moon, Secretary-General of the United Nations, an
application for the admission of Palestine on the basis
of the
4 June 1967 borders, with
Al-Quds
Al-Sharif as its capital, as a full member of the
United Nations.
I call upon Mr.
Secretary-General to expedite transmittal of our request
to the Security Council, and I call upon the
distinguished members of the Security Council to vote in
favor of our full membership. I also call upon the
States that did not recognized the State of Palestine as
yet to do so.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen.
The support of the
countries of the world for our endeavor is a victory for
truth, freedom, justice, law and international
legitimacy, and it provides tremendous support for the
peace option and enhances the chances of success of the
negotiations.
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Your support for
the establishment of the State of Palestine and for its
admission to the United Nations as a full member is the
greatest contribution to peacemaking in the Holy Land.
I thank you.
Source:
Haaretz
Mahmoud Abbas
(born 26 March 1935), also known by the
kunya Abu Mazen, has been the
Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO)
since 11 November 2004 and became
President of the Palestinian National Authority on
15 January 2005 on the
Fatah ticket.
Elected to serve
until 9 January 2009, he unilaterally extended his term
for another year and continues in office even after that
second deadline expired. As a result of this, Fatah's
main rival, the political party
Hamas announced that it would not recognise the
extension or view Abbas as rightful president. Abbas was
chosen as the President of the "State
of Palestine" by the Palestine Liberation
Organisation's Central Council on 23 November 2008, a
job he had held unofficially since 8 May 2005. Abbas
served as the first
Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority from
March to October 2003 when he resigned citing lack of
support from Israel and the United States as well as
"internal incitement" against his government. Before
being named prime minister, Abbas led the PLO's
Negotiations Affairs Department.—Wikipedia
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Mahmoud Abbas Returns to West Bank From UN,
Says 'Palestinian Spring' Has Begun—Alia
Nammari—25 September 2011—Thousands of
Palestinians cheering and waving flags gave
President Mahmoud Abbas a hero's welcome in
the West Bank Sunday, as he told them
triumphantly a "Palestinian Spring" had been
born following his historic speech to the
U.N. last week.
Abbas' popularity has
skyrocketed since he asked the U.N. on
Friday to recognize Palestinian
independence, defying appeals from Israel
and the United States to return to peace
talks. His request has pushed the region
into uncharted waters, and left the
international community scrambling over how
to respond.
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Thousands of people crowded Abbas' West Bank
headquarters in the city of Ramallah to get
a glimpse of the 76-year-old president upon
his return from New York. . . . A. "We have
told the world that there is the Arab
Spring, but the Palestinian Spring is here,"
he said. "A popular spring, a populist
spring, a spring of peaceful struggle that
will reach its goal." . . . The Palestinians
want an independent state in the West Bank,
east Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip,
territories captured by Israel in the 1967
Mideast war.—HuffingtonPost
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Obama UN General
Assembly September 21, 2011
President Obama Addresses UN General Assembly
(video)
President Obama UN General Assembly Speech
(transcript)
Farrakhan: Dumbing Down American People (video 1997)
Fidel Castro
calls Obama U.N. speech "gibberish"—By Jeff
Franks—Former Cuban leader Fidel Castro accused
President Barack Obama of speaking "gibberish" in his
recent address to the United Nations and called NATO's
actions in Libya a "monstrous crime" on Monday in his
first opinion column since early July. Castro, 85, has
been mostly out of sight the past few months, which
combined with the absence of his usual steady flow of
columns, had prompted rumors his health was worsening.
He wrote he was involved in work that occupied all his
time and therefore he had not been writing what he calls
his "reflections." But he said he wanted to comment on
the U.N. General Assembly in New York and in particular
Obama's speech last week. . . . Castro was his vintage
self in his latest piece, blasting Obama and the United
States, his ideological foes and favorite rhetorical
targets, for what he views as bellicose and hypocritical
behavior. He called Obama the "yankee president." . . .
Castro called into question many points in Obama's
speech, accusing him of misrepresenting the situations
in Iraq and Afghanistan, U.S. policy on Israel and
Palestine and the uprisings this year in several Arab
nations. "Who understands this gibberish of the
President of the United States in front of the General
Assembly?" he asked. He said the General Assembly
presented political difficulties for many countries
trying to decide the positions they should take on
numerous issues. "For example, what position to adopt
about the genocide of NATO in Libya?" Castro wrote.
"Does anyone wish it recorded that under their
direction, the government of their country supported the
monstrous crimes by the United States and its NATO
allies?"—Yahoo
Cuba's Fidel
Castro criticised Barack Obama's speech to the United
Nations as "gibberish" on Monday, saying the US
president used a rambling address to justify the
"unjustifiable."—"Who understands
the gibberish of the president of the United States
before the General Assembly?" Castro asked. Castro also
took issue with the "fascist methods by the United
States and its allies to confuse and manipulate global
opinion," and said he was heartened by the "resistance"
of his key allies
Hugo
Chavez and
Evo
Moralez, presidents of Venezuela and Bolivia,
respectively, who criticised US and UN policy in their
speeches. . . . "Has any nation been excluded from the
bloody threats of this illustrious defender of
international peace and security?" Castro said of Mr
Obama, whose UN quotes he cited extensively in his
column. "Who gave the United States such
privileges?" Castro said. He said countries must
consider taking a stand at the General Assembly against
the "Nato genocide in Libya," an action Castro described
as one of many "flagrant violations of principles."
"Does anyone want it to be recorded that under their
direction, the government of their nation supported the
monstrous crimes by the United States and its Nato
allies?" he said.—Telegraph
posted 24 September 2011
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Life on Mars
By Tracy K. Smith
Tracy K. Smith, author of Life on Mars has been selected as the winner of the 2012 Pulitzer Prize for Poetry. In its review of the book, Publishers Weekly noted the collection's "lyric brilliance" and "political impulses [that] never falter." A New York Times review stated, "Smith is quick to suggest that the important thing is not to discover whether or not we're alone in the universe; it's to accept—or at least endure—the universe's mystery. . . . Religion, science, art: we turn to them for answers, but the questions persist, especially in times of grief. Smith's pairing of the philosophically minded poems in the book’s first section with the long elegy for her father in the second is brilliant." Life on Mars follows Smith's 2007 collection, Duende, which won the James Laughlin Award from the Academy of American Poets, the only award for poetry in the United States given to support a poet's second book, and the first Essence Literary Award for poetry, which recognizes the literary achievements of African Americans.
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The Body’s Question (2003) was her first published collection. Smith said Life on Mars, published by small Minnesota press Graywolf, was inspired in part by her father, who was an engineer on the Hubble space telescope and died in 2008.
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Allah, Liberty, and Love
The Courage to Reconcile Faith and Freedom
By Irshad Manji
In Allah, Liberty and Love, Irshad Manji paves a path for Muslims and non-Muslims to transcend the fears that stop so many of us from living with honest-to-God integrity: the fear of offending others in a multicultural world as well as the fear of questioning our own communities. Since publishing her international bestseller, The Trouble with Islam Today, Manji has moved from anger to aspiration. She shows how any of us can reconcile faith with freedom and thus discover the Allah of liberty and love—the universal God that loves us enough to give us choices and the capacity to make them. Among the most visible Muslim reformers of our era, Manji draws on her experience in the trenches to share stories that are deeply poignant, frequently funny and always revealing about these morally confused times. What prevents young Muslims, even in the West, from expressing their need for religious reinterpretation? |
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