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Books by Manning Marable
Black Liberation in Conservative America
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Living Black History /
How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America
Race, Reform, and Rebellion /
W.E.B. Du Bois: Black Radical Democrat /
Race, Reform, and Rebellion
The Great Wells of Democracy /
Afro-Cuban Voices: On Race and Identity in Contemporary Cuba
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"The Most Dangerous Black Professor in America"
Along the Color Line -- February
2006
By Manning Marable Back in 1919, in the chaotic
aftermath of World War I and the Russian Revolution,
President Woodrow Wilson's administration sought to
suppress radical and progressive intellectuals here at
home. Government agents harassed W.E.B. Du Bois and the
NAACP's journal, The Crisis. Copies of
African-American socialist A. Philip Randolph's militant
journal, The Messenger, were seized and
destroyed. When President Wilson was given a copy of
The Messenger, he declared that Randolph must surely
be "the most dangerous Negro in America."
Randolph later went on to found the
Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters in 1925, the first
successful African-American labor union. In the 1930's.
Randolph conceived of the National Negro Congress, a
black united front that challenged the racism of Jim
Crow segregation and the inadequate programs of the
Roosevelt administration in dealing with black
unemployment. In 1941 Randolph pressured Roosevelt with
the call for a "Negro March on Washington, D.C.,"
resulting in the desegregation of defense industry jobs
generated by federal contracts. Randolph was indeed
"dangerous" to the enemies of black freedom.
Randolph immediately came to mind
when I learned recently that I was listed among "The 101
Most Dangerous Professors" in America's colleges and
universities. The indicted of these 101 "academic
subversives" appears in a new book by right wing gadfly
David Horowitz. Horowitz crashed the headlines several
years ago when he circulated the provocative
advertisement denouncing black American reparations for
slavery and Jim Crow segregation as "racist." His latest
political maneuver is the demand for an "Academic Bill
of Rights," calling for state legislatures to restrict
academic freedom on campuses.
The political sins of Manning
Marable, according to Horowitz, are monumental. A
"lifelong Marxist" and known associate of
African-American radicals such as Angela Y. Davis and
Amiri Baraka, Marable makes "no pretense to academic or
scholarly inquiry" in his position at Columbia
University. "Professor Marable advocates black
'resistance' as the only antidote to the 'inherent
racism' of American society." To the charge of calling
for black empowerment and full socioeconomic justice and
political equality, I must plead guilty.
Horowitz's book is especially
troubled by two specific projects that I have initiated:
the "Africana Criminal Justice Project," and my
biographical research on Malcolm X. For Horowitz and his
research assistants, the funding my criminal justice
studies have received from "George Soros's Open Society
Institute" was politically motivated, "no doubt because
it fits Soros's agenda of unseating Republicans" by
restoring voting rights to former prisoners, who are
disproportionately black, brown and poor. Nowhere in my
own writing can one find the claim that I "[maintain]
that the American criminal justice system is
irredeemably racist," or that the "enemies" of my
research on Malcolm X are "the white middle class, which
he also believes to be the source of the inequities of
American society that inflames his radical passions."
Yet Horowitz doesn't mind twisting the facts to promote
his bizarre interpretation of America's unequal racial
realities.
"The 101 Most Dangerous Professors"
reads like a "Who's Who" of America's most prominent
public intellectuals and university scholars. Columbia
University led the nation, with nine "most dangerous"
scholars among its faculty, including
internationally-known intellectuals like Eric Foner,
Victor Navasky, Todd Gitlin, Lisa Anderson and Hamid
Dabashi. Other African-American intellectuals
stigmatized as "most dangerous" include bell hooks,
Michael Eric Dyson, Maulana Karenga, Kathleen Cleaver
and legendary legal theorist Derrick Bell. Several of
the "dangerous" intellectuals are editorial board
members of a journal I edit at Columbia, Souls – Foner,
Dyson, Cleaver and Brooklyn College Professor Priya
Parmar. Clearly for Horowitz this is additional proof
that subversives are building incendiary networks for
academic mayhem.
Horowitz's objective is to discredit,
isolate and stigmatize prominent scholars of the left by
eliminating them from universities entirely. His bogus
"Academic Bill of Rights" promotes the same goal by
mobilizing conservative Republicans in state
legislatures to impose ideological strait jackets on
faculty appointments and tenure decisions. To accomplish
this, he deliberately twists and distorts the published
writings and lectures of progressive intellectuals,
taking phrases out of context or even inventing
quotations, to mobilize political conservatives.
Only days before the "101 most
dangerous" controversy erupted, however, the U.S.
Mission to the United Nations, headed by conservative
Republican Ambassador John Bolton, requested me to speak
and serve as moderator of a prestigious panel on the
theme, "The U.S. Civil Rights Struggle: Its Global
Implications," which was held on February 24, 2006. The
panel's featured presenter was Miss Johnnie Carr, a
confidant of both Rosa Parks and Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr., and a former leader of the Montgomery Improvement
Association in Alabama. My politics are clearly at odds
with Ambassador Bolton's, yet our U.S. Mission at the
U.N.'s invitation to me requested that I be provided
with "the opportunity to address the international
community on the importance of equal rights, not just in
the United States, but globally." Is Bolton wrong, or is
Horowitz simply wrongheaded?
Critically-engaged scholarship for
the oppressed must both inform and transform people's
lives. Documenting and preserving the histories of black
Americans frightens reactionaries like Horowitz. Efforts
to link social science research for reforming our
destructive criminal justice policies, and restoring
voting rights to the black, brown and poor
disfranchised, causes equal consternation. In the
tradition of Randolph, I make no apologies.
Source:
Manning Marable.Net
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Dr. Manning Marable is Professor of History and Political
Science, and the Director of the Institute for Research in
African-American Studies at Columbia University in New York. Along
the Color Line is distributed free of charge to over 350
publications throughout the U.S. and internationally. Dr. Marable's
column is also available on the Internet at
www.manningmarable.net
posted 19 March 2006 |