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Books by Manning Marable
Black Liberation in Conservative America
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Living Black History /
How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America
Race, Reform, and Rebellion /
W.E.B. Du Bois: Black Radical Democrat /
Race, Reform, and Rebellion
The Great Wells of Democracy /
Afro-Cuban Voices: On Race and Identity in Contemporary Cuba
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"The Most Dangerous Black Professor in America"
Along the Color Line
— February
2006
By Manning Marable Back in 1919, in the chaotic
aftermath of World War I and the Russian Revolution,
President Woodrow Wilson's administration sought to
suppress radical and progressive intellectuals here at
home. Government agents harassed W.E.B. Du Bois and the
NAACP's journal, The Crisis. Copies of
African-American socialist A. Philip Randolph's militant
journal, The Messenger, were seized and
destroyed. When President Wilson was given a copy of
The Messenger, he declared that Randolph must surely
be "the most dangerous Negro in America."
Randolph later went on to found the
Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters in 1925, the first
successful African-American labor union. In the 1930's.
Randolph conceived of the National Negro Congress, a
black united front that challenged the racism of Jim
Crow segregation and the inadequate programs of the
Roosevelt administration in dealing with black
unemployment. In 1941 Randolph pressured Roosevelt with
the call for a "Negro March on Washington, D.C.,"
resulting in the desegregation of defense industry jobs
generated by federal contracts. Randolph was indeed
"dangerous" to the enemies of black freedom.
Randolph immediately came to mind
when I learned recently that I was listed among "The 101
Most Dangerous Professors" in America's colleges and
universities. The indicted of these 101 "academic
subversives" appears in a new book by right wing gadfly
David Horowitz. Horowitz crashed the headlines several
years ago when he circulated the provocative
advertisement denouncing black American reparations for
slavery and Jim Crow segregation as "racist." His latest
political maneuver is the demand for an "Academic Bill
of Rights," calling for state legislatures to restrict
academic freedom on campuses.
The political sins of Manning
Marable, according to Horowitz, are monumental. A
"lifelong Marxist" and known associate of
African-American radicals such as Angela Y. Davis and
Amiri Baraka, Marable makes "no pretense to academic or
scholarly inquiry" in his position at Columbia
University. "Professor Marable advocates black
'resistance' as the only antidote to the 'inherent
racism' of American society." To the charge of calling
for black empowerment and full socioeconomic justice and
political equality, I must plead guilty.
Horowitz's book is especially
troubled by two specific projects that I have initiated:
the "Africana Criminal Justice Project," and my
biographical research on Malcolm X. For Horowitz and his
research assistants, the funding my criminal justice
studies have received from "George Soros's Open Society
Institute" was politically motivated, "no doubt because
it fits Soros's agenda of unseating Republicans" by
restoring voting rights to former prisoners, who are
disproportionately black, brown and poor. Nowhere in my
own writing can one find the claim that I "[maintain]
that the American criminal justice system is
irredeemably racist," or that the "enemies" of my
research on Malcolm X are "the white middle class, which
he also believes to be the source of the inequities of
American society that inflames his radical passions."
Yet Horowitz doesn't mind twisting the facts to promote
his bizarre interpretation of America's unequal racial
realities.
"The 101 Most Dangerous Professors"
reads like a "Who's Who" of America's most prominent
public intellectuals and university scholars. Columbia
University led the nation, with nine "most dangerous"
scholars among its faculty, including
internationally-known intellectuals like Eric Foner,
Victor Navasky, Todd Gitlin, Lisa Anderson and Hamid
Dabashi. Other African-American intellectuals
stigmatized as "most dangerous" include bell hooks,
Michael Eric Dyson, Maulana Karenga, Kathleen Cleaver
and legendary legal theorist Derrick Bell. Several of
the "dangerous" intellectuals are editorial board
members of a journal I edit at Columbia, Souls – Foner,
Dyson, Cleaver and Brooklyn College Professor Priya
Parmar. Clearly for Horowitz this is additional proof
that subversives are building incendiary networks for
academic mayhem.
Horowitz's objective is to discredit,
isolate and stigmatize prominent scholars of the left by
eliminating them from universities entirely. His bogus
"Academic Bill of Rights" promotes the same goal by
mobilizing conservative Republicans in state
legislatures to impose ideological strait jackets on
faculty appointments and tenure decisions. To accomplish
this, he deliberately twists and distorts the published
writings and lectures of progressive intellectuals,
taking phrases out of context or even inventing
quotations, to mobilize political conservatives.
Only days before the "101 most
dangerous" controversy erupted, however, the U.S.
Mission to the United Nations, headed by conservative
Republican Ambassador John Bolton, requested me to speak
and serve as moderator of a prestigious panel on the
theme, "The U.S. Civil Rights Struggle: Its Global
Implications," which was held on February 24, 2006. The
panel's featured presenter was Miss Johnnie Carr, a
confidant of both Rosa Parks and Dr. Martin Luther King,
Jr., and a former leader of the Montgomery Improvement
Association in Alabama. My politics are clearly at odds
with Ambassador Bolton's, yet our U.S. Mission at the
U.N.'s invitation to me requested that I be provided
with "the opportunity to address the international
community on the importance of equal rights, not just in
the United States, but globally." Is Bolton wrong, or is
Horowitz simply wrongheaded?
Critically-engaged scholarship for
the oppressed must both inform and transform people's
lives. Documenting and preserving the histories of black
Americans frightens reactionaries like Horowitz. Efforts
to link social science research for reforming our
destructive criminal justice policies, and restoring
voting rights to the black, brown and poor
disfranchised, causes equal consternation. In the
tradition of Randolph, I make no apologies.
Source:
Manning Marable.Net
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Dr. Manning Marable is Professor of History and Political
Science, and the Director of the Institute for Research in
African-American Studies at Columbia University in New York. Along
the Color Line is distributed free of charge to over 350
publications throughout the U.S. and internationally. Dr. Marable's
column is also available on the Internet at
www.manningmarable.net
posted 19 March 2006
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Dr.
Manning Marable
(May 13, 1950 - April 1, 2011)
Scholar, Activist, Mentor
By Russell
Rickford
Prof. Manning Marable, an ebullient teacher and
institution-builder who embodied the reciprocal
possibilities of scholarship-activism, and a Du
Boisian intellectual who sought in the black past
lessons for the radical transformation of American
democracy, died on April 1, 2011 at the age of 60.
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Dr.
Marable was a prolific scholar whose
labor in the arenas of history,
political science and social criticism
inspired popular and academic audiences.
He was a “race man” in the best sense of
the tradition—“our grand radical
democratic intellectual,” in the words
of philosopher Cornel West. His
wellspring of love for black folk
nourished a passion for democracy and a
vision of Africana studies as a crusade
for the material and spiritual
liberation of all oppressed people.
Marable’s deep knowledge of the African
Diaspora made him a force in the field
of black history; his courage and
progressive politics made him a treasure
for “the grassroots.”
For
Dr. Marable, “living black history” was
more pilgrimage than principle. His
journey began on May 13, 1950 in Dayton,
Ohio. Born to James and June Morehead
Marable, schoolteachers who enforced a
regimen of U.S. and world history books,
the young bibliophile soon discovered
the gift of historical imagination.
Acutely conscious of race matters, he
was further politicized by the April
1968 assassination of Martin Luther
King, Jr. |
He was among the first mourners to arrive at the
Atlanta church that hosted King’s funeral. (He
covered the event for Dayton’s black newspaper.) A
high school senior at the time, he perched on the
steps of Ebenezer Baptist in the predawn shadows to
await the masses.
A precocious
student, he completed his bachelor’s in 1971 at
Earlham College in Richmond, Indiana (while leading
the black student union) and went on to earn his
master’s (1972) and Ph.D. (1976) in history at,
respectively, University of Wisconsin, Madison and
University of Maryland, College Park. Between the
mid-1970s and early 1990s, Dr. Marable served on the
faculty of Tuskegee Institute, University of San
Francisco, Cornell University, Fisk University,
Colgate University, Purdue University, Ohio State
University, and University of Colorado, Boulder.
As a scholar
who traversed the disciplines of history, political
science and sociology, Dr. Marable grounded his work
in the black American experience while exploring the
larger African Diaspora, traveling to Kenya,
Tanzania, Cuba, South Africa and Brazil. He
developed political and academic contacts throughout
the black world, seeing the remaking of racialized
societies as the primary task of the engaged
intellectual. Armed with the theories of
Du Bois,
C. L. R. James and
Antonio Gramsci, he mastered political economy,
emphasizing material solutions to social inequality
and exposing the interlocking shackles of race and
class.
During the
first half of his career, Dr. Marable headed the
Race Relations Institute at Fisk, the Africana and
Latin American Studies Program at Colgate, and the
Department of Black Studies at Ohio State. However,
it was his directorship of
Columbia
University’s Institute for Research in
African-American Studies, which he founded in
1993, that marked his most significant personal and
political transitions.
Facing the
sudden acceleration of
sarcoidosis, an illness he had battled for
years, and increasingly devoted to the socially
redemptive power of political ideas, he crafted the
Institute in the image of
Du Bois’s Atlanta University project. Under Dr.
Marable’s stewardship, the Institute married
scholarship and social transformation, launching
initiatives to bolster the case for African-American
reparations, fight the specter of racialized mass
imprisonment, and reclaim the radical vectors of
Malcolm X’s legacy. Meanwhile, Dr. Marable
cultivated two generations of scholars, activists
and students, discovering in each individual a
unique genius for advancing the cause he lovingly
described: empowering the black masses to reclaim
their agency and “return to their own history.”
Dr. Marable
wrote prodigiously. The legal pads he dispatched in
longhand became the masonry of a scholarly edifice
that included more than 30 books and edited volumes,
as well as hundreds of articles in academic and
popular journals.
From the Grassroots,
Blackwater,
How Capitalism Underdeveloped
Black America,
Race, Reform and Rebellion,
Beyond Black and White,
Let Nobody Turn Us Around (with Leith
Mullings),
The Great Wells of Democracy,
Living Black History, and now, Malcolm X,
anchor the shelves of countless students and
circulate endlessly in prison yards, their covers
curled and shabby, their wisdom pristine. Committed
to class-conscious analysis rendered in
straightforward prose, Dr. Marable also produced
and distributed free of charge, a public affairs
column—“From the Grassroots” (later “Along the Color
Line”)—that for three decades reached a vast
readership through the black press, reinvigorating
Du Bois’s legacy of political commentary and
agitation.
Much of Dr.
Marable’s energy was spent building—and not merely
interpreting—the movement for racial justice. As he
observed, “It is only when we stand against the
current, confronting the powerful forces of
prejudice and inequality, that the tools of
scholarship become meaningful.” Some of his most
rewarding experiences came through his involvement
with the Institute of the Black World in the 1970s
(an association that enabled him to chauffeur—and
thus interrogate and debate—the great Pan Africanist
historian Walter Rodney). He participated in the
National
Black Political Assembly, the
National Black Independent Political Party and
the
Democratic Socialists of America
in the 1980s and the
Committees of Correspondence
in the 1990s. His long record of leadership on the
left included his role as co-founder of the
Black Radical Congress in 1998 and his
participation in the
2001 United Nations World Conference on Racism in
Durban, South Africa.
From Jamaica to
Cuba to Sing Sing Prison, Dr. Marable lectured. He
made frequent media appearances on programs like
Democracy Now! He served as founding editor of
Souls, a journal of black history, politics
and culture. He established Columbia’s Center
for Contemporary Black History. He created archives
and digital resources for teachers and researchers.
He served on the board of the
Association for the
Study of African-American Life and History. He
received many commendations, including the 2005
National Council for Black Studies Ida B. Wells—Cheikh
Anta Diop Award for Outstanding Scholarship and
Leadership in African-American Studies, as well as
two honorary degrees: John Jay College of the City
University of New York (2006); and State University
of New York, New Paltz (2000).
Dr. Marable was
a generous mentor. A Marxist feminist who was also a
“Malcolmite”; a black history savant with pop
culture tastes (“You can’t handle the truth!” was
one of his stock phrases); a dissident social
scientist who remained faithful to the political
promise of the hip-hop generation, he brandished
these identities with passion and grace, convincing
his pupils that they, too, could achieve a more
perfect whole. Ultimately, that eclecticism
reinforced his vision of what social history and
critical theory might accomplish: the construction
of a liberation movement that shatters social
barriers based on color, class and gender.
Dr. Marable is
survived by his wife, the anthropologist Leith
Mullings; his three children, Malaika Marable
Serrano, Sojourner Marable Grimmett, and Joshua
Manning Marable; two stepchildren, Alia Tyner and
Michael Tyner; a sister, Madonna Marable; his
mother, June Morehead Marable; three grandchildren
and an extended family in New York, Ohio and
Tuskegee.
Donations can
be made to The Manning Marable Memorial Social
Justice Fund which will provide grants and awards to
organizations and individuals that reflect an honor
Dr. Marable’s commitment to the struggle for
justice. Checks can be made out to The Manning
Marable Social Justice Fund and sent to:
The Manning Marable Memorial
Social Justice Fund
c/o The Adco Foundation
328 8th Avenue
Suite 404
New York, NY 10001
Attention: Dana Ain Davis
Source:
IRAS
posted 22 July 2008
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Malcolm X
A Life of Reinvention
By
Manning Marable
Years
in the making-the definitive biography of
the legendary black activist.
Of the great figure in twentieth-century
American history perhaps none is more
complex and controversial than Malcolm X.
Constantly rewriting his own story, he
became a criminal, a minister, a leader, and
an icon, all before being felled by
assassins' bullets at age thirty-nine.
Through his tireless work and countless
speeches he empowered hundreds of thousands
of black Americans to create better lives
and stronger communities while establishing
the template for the self-actualized,
independent African American man. In death
he became a broad symbol of both resistance
and reconciliation for millions around the
world. |
Manning Marable's
new biography of Malcolm is a stunning achievement.
Filled with new information and shocking revelations
that go beyond the
Autobiography, Malcolm X unfolds a
sweeping story of race and class in America, from the
rise of Marcus Garvey and the Ku Klux Klan to the
struggles of the civil rights movement in the fifties
and sixties.
Reaching into
Malcolm's troubled youth, it traces a path from his
parents' activism through his own engagement with the
Nation of Islam, charting his astronomical rise in the
world of Black Nationalism and culminating in the
never-before-told true story of his assassination.
Malcolm X will stand as the definitive work on one of
the most singular forces for social change, capturing
with revelatory clarity a man who constantly strove, in
the great American tradition, to remake himself anew.
Pulitzer Prize for History 2012 Winner—For a
distinguished and appropriately documented book on
the history of the United States, Ten thousand
dollars ($10,000). Awarded to Malcolm X: A Life
of Reinvention, by the late Manning Marable
(Viking), an exploration of the legendary life and
provocative views of one of the most significant
African-Americans in U.S. history, a work that
separates fact from fiction and blends the heroic
and tragic. (Moved by the Board from the Biography
category.)—Pulitzer
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Say it Loud: Poems about James Brown
Edited by Michael Oatman and Mary Weems
Preface by Lamont
B. Steptoe
This anthology is a
tribute in poems to James Brown and includes work by
over 30 poets including Amiri Baraka, Emotion Brown,
Katie Daley, Thomas Sayers Ellis, Kelly A. Harris, Tony
Medina, Ayodele Nzinga, Michael Oatman, Michelle Rankins,
Patricia Smith, Lamont B. Steptoe, George Wallace and
Mary Weems.
"On May 3, 1933,
James Joseph Brown was born in Barnwell, South Carolina
in the heart of Jim Crow America. On December 25, 2006,
JB, the hardest working man in show business passed on.
These poems celebrate, memorialize and speak to the
legacy of the Godfather of Soul. They share
their memories from childhood to adulthood of the man
who was influenced by such musical giants as Little
Richard, but who laid the physical and musical steps for
artists such as Michael Jackson and many current Rap and
Hip Hop musicians today."—Adah Ward-Randolph
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Salvage the Bones
A Novel by Jesmyn Ward
On one level, Salvage the Bones is a simple story about a poor black family that’s about to be trashed by one of the most deadly hurricanes in U.S. history. What makes the novel so powerful, though, is the way Ward winds private passions with that menace gathering force out in the Gulf of Mexico. Without a hint of pretension, in the simple lives of these poor people living among chickens and abandoned cars, she evokes the tenacious love and desperation of classical tragedy. The force that pushes back against Katrina’s inexorable winds is the voice of Ward’s narrator, a 14-year-old girl named Esch, the only daughter among four siblings. Precocious, passionate and sensitive, she speaks almost entirely in phrases soaked in her family’s raw land. Everything here is gritty, loamy and alive, as though the very soil were animated. Her brother’s “blood smells like wet hot earth after summer rain. . . . His scalp looks like fresh turned dirt.” Her father’s hands “are like gravel,” while her own hand “slides through his grip like a wet fish,” and a handsome boy’s “muscles jabbered like chickens.” Admittedly, Ward can push so hard on this simile-obsessed style that her paragraphs risk sounding like a compost heap, but this isn’t usually just metaphor for metaphor’s sake. . . . — WashingtonPost
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The White Masters of the
World
From
The World and Africa, 1965
By W. E. B. Du Bois
W. E. B. Du Bois’
Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization
(Fletcher)
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Ancient African Nations
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The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan
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The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll
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Only a Pawn in Their Game
Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for
Slavery
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The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg
The
Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804
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January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of
Haiti
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