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Four myths, 30 million potential votes
By Beth Shulman
As the Presidential campaigns seek
definition, one pivotal issue remains hidden from view. It is
potentially huge, especially for Democrats, because it involves
their natural constituents, and it addresses core issues of the
economy, social justice and fairness. The issue is low-wage
work.
Fully 30 million Americans -- one in four
U.S. workers -- earn $8.70 an hour or less, a rate that works
out to $18,100 a year, which is the current official poverty
level in the United States for a family of four. These low-wage
jobs usually lack health care, child care, pensions and vacation
benefits. Their working conditions are often grueling,
dangerous, even humiliating.
At the same time, more and more middle-class
jobs are taking on many of these same characteristics, losing
the security and benefits once taken for granted.
The shameful reality of low-wage work in
America should be on every Democrat's cue card as a potential
weapon to be used against the Republicans' rosy economic
scenario. But so far it isn't. Why not? One reason may be four
long-standing myths that have for years drowned out a rational
discussion of what should be a national call to conscience:
Myth 1: Low-wage work is merely a
temporary step on the ladder to a better job. According to the
American dream, if you work hard, apply yourself and play by the
rules, you will be able to earn a decent living for yourself and
your family. If you fail to move up, you must be lazy or
incompetent.
The truth: Low-wage job mobility is
minimal. Low-wage workers have few career ladders. Those of us
lucky enough to have better-paying employment depend on them
every day. They are nursing home and home health care workers
who care for our parents; they are poultry processors who bone
and package our chicken; they are retail clerks in department
stores, grocery stores and convenience stores; they are
housekeepers and janitors who keep our hotel rooms and offices
clean; they are billing and telephone call center workers who
take our complaints and answer our questions; and they are
teaching assistants in our schools and child care workers who
free us so that we can work ourselves.
In a recent study following U.S. adults
through their working careers, economics professors Peter
Gottschalk of Boston College and Sheldon Danziger of the
University of Michigan found that about half of those whose
earnings ranked in the bottom 20 percent in 1968 were still in
the same group in 1991. Of those who had moved up, nearly
two-thirds remained below the median income. The U.S. economy
provides less mobility for low-wage earners, according to an
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development study,
than the economies of France, Italy, the United Kingdom,
Germany, Denmark, Finland or Sweden.
Today's economy is even more rigid. In many
industries, such as insurance, retail and financial services,
wealthier clients are served by different employees than
lower-status customers. This makes it harder for the lowest wage
earners to move up. Some do, but this happens primarily in the
manufacturing sector, where the number of jobs continues to
decline.
Myth 2: Training and new skills solve
the problem. Low- wage workers are said to lack the necessary
skills for better-paying work in our changing economy. What's
needed is retraining and better education for everyone.
The truth: The problem is that there
are fewer better jobs to move into. The percentage of low-wage
jobs is growing, not shrinking. The growing sectors of our
economy are the labor-intensive industries. The two lowest-paid
work categories, retail and service, increased their share of
the job market from 30 percent to 48 percent between 1965 and
1998. By the end of the decade, the low end of the job market
will account for more than 30 percent of the American work
force. There will be about 1.8 million software engineers and
computer support specialists, but more than 3.8 million
cashiers.
According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor
Statistics, half of all new jobs by 2010 will require relatively
brief on-the-job training. Only three of every 10 positions
currently require more than a high school diploma. Certainly,
raising skills and education levels will lead some workers to
higher wages and better jobs.
But that approach will do little to improve the lives of most of
the hardworking women and men in the jobs that will continue to
grow as a proportion of our economy.
Just as important, those who denigrate
low-wage work as "low-skilled" ignore the reality of
these jobs. A nursing-home worker must be compassionate, must
pay attention to detail and must possess psychological and
emotional strength; a call-center worker must have patience and
must be able to command enough information to handle questions
and complaints; a security guard must be dedicated, alert and
conscientious. To say these workers need retraining to earn more
lets their employers off the hook for failing to compensate them
appropriately for their existing skills and duties.
Myth 3: Globalization stops us from
doing anything about this problem. Between 1979 and 1999, 3
million manufacturing jobs vanished as global trade brought in
textiles, shoes, cars and steel produced by overseas labor. In
June 2003 alone, 56,000 manufacturing jobs were lost. American
employers must keep wages and benefits low if they are to
compete in the global marketplace.
The truth: Very few low-wage jobs are
now in globally competitive industries. It is true that global
trade has had a profound impact on our economy and on American
workers. But companies in Beijing are not competing with child
care providers, nursing homes, restaurants, security guard firms
and janitorial services in the United States. Checking out
groceries, waiting on tables, servicing office equipment and
tending the sick cannot be done from overseas.
Employers and politicians use globalization
as an excuse to do nothing for low-wage workers, scaring them
into accepting lower pay, fewer benefits and
less job security. It is invoked to justify reduced
social spending and less workplace regulation, and workers
believe they are powerless to object. Yet
not only does globalization fail to apply to most of
America's low- wage jobs, other
industrialized countries facing the same global competition have
chosen differently: They provide social safety nets, notably
including guaranteed health care. As a result, according to a
1997 study by Timothy Smeeding of Syracuse University, Americans
in the lowest income brackets have living standards that are 13
percent below those of low-income Germans and 24 percent below
the bottom 20 percent of Swedes.
Myth 4: Low-wage jobs are merely the
result of an efficient market. The economy is a force of nature,
and we as a society have little control over whatever
difficulties it creates.
The truth: The economic world we live
in is the result of our creation, not natural law. America's
low-wage workers have little power to change their conditions
because of a series of political, economic and corporate
decisions over the past quarter-century that undercut the
bargaining power of workers, especially those in lower pay
grades.
Those decisions included the push to increase
global trade and open global markets, changes in immigration
law, the deregulation of industries that had been highly
unionized, Federal Reserve policies focused on reducing
inflation threats, and a corporate ideological shift that
eliminated America's postwar social contract with workers and
emphasized maximizing shareholder value.
Those decisions worsened conditions in
low-wage jobs and exaggerated disparities in income and wealth.
AMERICA'S most vulnerable workers have also
lost many institutions, laws and political allies that could
have helped counterbalance these forces. In the 1950s, the
number of American workers who were fired, harassed or
threatened for
trying to organize a union was in the hundreds a year. According
to Human Rights Watch, by 1990 that number exceeded 20,000. In
1979, one-fourth of private-sector workers were unionized; only
11 percent are today.
At the same time, the purchasing power of the
federal minimum wage fell 30 percent during the 1980s. Despite
minimal increases in the 1990s, according to the Economic Policy
Institute, the value of the current minimum wage of $5.15 per
hour is still 21 percent less than it was in 1979.
The richest country in the world should not
tolerate such treatment of
More than a fourth of its workers. The myths of upward
mobility and inevitable Market forces blind too many people to
the grim reality of low-wage work. A presidential campaign is
the right time to begin a conversation on how to change it.
Source: Alameda
Times-Star August 24, 2003. Beth Shulman is a lawyer and
author of The Betrayal of Work: How Low-Wage Jobs Fail 30 Million
Americans, to be published next month by the New Press.
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updated 16 October 2007
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