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Books by Ralph G. Clingan
Against Cheap Grace in a World Come of Age, an
intellectual biography of Clayton Powell, 1865–1953
* * *
* *
Nuking, Westerns, & White Manliness
An Exchange between Rudolph Lewis
and Ralph Garlin Clingan
Introduction
USA society is
white-male centered. It may indeed be truly a global
phenomena in terms of international affairs. “White”
males are dominant and they press their dominance in all
fields, especially politics, despite the last century of
struggles for voting, civil, and human rights to
eliminate racism and racial oppression. “White” American
male leaders go rather headlong
without consultation with other men or women (or
nations) in their bold and brazen ideas of how our
nation should operate or behave in the world. They are
in possession of the power and wealth of the nation (if
not the globe) and they unfortunately establish US
foreign policy, that is, they determine whether we will
have war or peace. Maybe “white” American women have a greater
input into those decisions (than the rest of us) in that
they couple with these men of power and wealth.
Three items have
brought me to this understanding, other than the war of
Father Bush in the Middle East for the last four years:
1) the high incarceration of black males and the
increase in the size of the criminal justice system and
the number of prisons in the USA; 2) a reading of
Theodore Allen
Invention of the White Race,
which
provided a non-racialist historical perspective;
and 3) the recent Republican presidential debate in
which all the participants jauntily spoke of tactically
nuking Iran, which would mean the death of hundreds of
thousands if not millions of civilians and possibly
peoples in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India,
depending on the season and the wind.
There is an endemic
historical madness (or enthusiasm) that exists here in our nation and
many “white” male leaders ("whiteness" a relatively new invention, maybe three
centuries old) are the source. This racialist
conception of their being however has been projected
back over the millennia to the very beginning of time,
to the biblical and mythological Adam and Eve (of
fundamental Southern Christians), and this “whiteness”
has been extended forward into the science fiction
future, ad infinitum. Note the popularity for
over forty years of the American film series Star
Trek.
The notion has
enlarged itself to the belief that these “white” men
have a natural right to rule the globe and a natural
right to control its resources, regardless of what
peoples may be in possession of them, that they have a
right to seize them with whatever might at their
disposal. (Note the congressional act on Iraq—no Western
control of Iraqi oil, no USA reconstruction of Iraq.)
Maybe my recent discovery of this racial knowledge has
existed long before my recent awareness. But now these
“white” men have an unstoppable momentum, seemingly,
that will lead to horrific events in which most of us
will be forced to the sidelines as horrified observers.
I send out internet
messages for feedback on where we stand and how we might halt
the coming catastrophe. I recently made an intellectual
exchange with the Reverend Dr. Ralph Garlin Clingan that
may provide you, my dear reader, with some insights if
you too have been troubled by these developing issues of
our foreign relations. In my mind the USA threat of
nuclear war against Iran stimulated an analysis of
American “white” manhood as expressed in the genre of
American films called “Westerns.” My meditation
struggles against despair in hope that our words will
reach many so as to cause “white” men of our nation to
look in the mirror and consider their humanity.
* *
* * *
Four Horses of the Apocalypse
By Rudolph Lewis
As for the election; it is foolish to hope. Our
Constitution is tied to an eighteenth century political
system that never anticipated a standing army,
air-transportation, oil dependency, political parties,
or mass communications. –Wilson
After two
succeeding nights of storms (rain, wind, thunder and
lightning, what I sometimes call Nature's Four Horses of
the Apocalypse), it's a cool night and the stars shine
clear out of the purple dome. My room, however, is
rather comfortable, though I may have to close the
window. Tomorrow promises to be hot. On my breaks I've
watched TCM and their old war movies. I gave that up and
began to watch the Westerns channel. The old Western
provides, maybe, a closer insight into the American
psyche than the racist propaganda of 40s war movies with
John Wayne and such actor types.
I saw two Westerns
tonight: one with Gary Cooper and the other with Charles
Bronson. They weren't really shoot'em-ups, involving the
struggle for a woman or the usual conflicts between
farmers (or sheep herders) and cattlemen; or between
badmen and lawmen, or Indians and settlers. Nor were
these films the liberal ones of the 60s and later about
"squaw men" as heroes defending the honor of nonwhite
women or white women who had babies by a native American
man. Most of the characters were so-so men, none really
"evil" men, none altogether good. Set primarily in the
South west, these two films were
psychological explorations of manhood and to some extent
womanhood.
The one with Gary
Cooper
They Came to Condura was actually about a
military man, a cavalry major who had the good fortune
recently to watch men under his command behave
courageously under fire. Rather than recommending his
superior (a colonel) for a certificate so that he might
become a one-star general, the major is set on
recommending four subordinates (one junior officer
and three enlisted men) for the Congressional Medal of
Honor. Battle, against man or beast, has been a
traditional initiation into manhood. The military as an
institution, however, has probably always been a means of
escape (of unemployment or crimes or for adventure) or a career.
The setting is
somewhere near the Mexican border around about 1916. The
first World War had just begun and the Cooper character
believes the nation will get involve and it needs heroes. But in order to
accomplish his recommendation a journey to another post
had to be made. It becomes a journey of endurance and
thus insight into aspects of manhood occur. On that journey he
questions his men to discover the source of the courage
they displayed in a particular battle and he take notes.
An upper-class liberated woman accompanies them as
prisoner charged with treason and other military
charges, related to her association with Pancho Villa. Midway the journey Cooper saves her from rape
by two of his men. She becomes his primary ally when his
men turn against him after losing confidence in his
leadership. Cooper is an unmarried man, a loner, though
he lives the military life.
The Bronson film, a
black-and-white one, was made in the middle 50s. So
he's a young man without his famed mustache and
pock-mocked rough demeanor. He's a deputy marshal and he has
hunted down his man and finds him (an older man) in a
restaurant of a small western town. The "former" outlaw
with a bounty of $200 on his head (dead or alive) is
well-liked by many of townsmen, especially those who
frequent the saloon. The outlaw ignores Bronson when he
serves the warrant on him and walks away from him.
Bronson pressures the man to give up his gun and the man
draws on him and is killed.
The townspeople
don't care for bounty hunters. There's an inquest but a
notification with the man's name is refused Bronson.
That becomes the basis of the conflict in the film
between him and some of the townspeople who plot to kill
him and for the psychological exploration of Bronson and
the daughter of a saloon woman who works as a waitress
in the same restaurant in which the outlaw
is slain. Bronson, the gunman with a badge, falls in
love with this curious spinster-like woman who lives
alone in an hotel. He too is a loner, unmarried.
I had these two
tales in mind when I considered how the Democrats might
feel about America nuking Iran. Do they wish to really
follow the Republican path and their rhetoric in this
instance as they have in others since Ronald Reagan's
influence of the 80s and his built up of the military to
confront the Communists, the Soviet Union? Do they wish
to make that strident appeal to that imaginary American
out there who thinks it is really manly talking out loud
about nuking the people of Iran? That country is
one of the "evil empires" of Middle East terrorism
according to Father Bush. War or making war, even the
old American mob and American lynch party, is about
American manhood and how it manifests itself in our
peculiar racialized society.
I tried to write
about this subject once in
Masculinity
Manliness Violence. I am not sure how well I did.
That was a while ago and my views may have changed
somewhat. I approach it now from a different starting
point
These two Western
films are about American manhood as Reagan's
political rhetoric ultimately was about manhood
and I suspect it was derived from his promotion of
Westerns as a genre of film that represented American
values. Republican war rhetoric is in that tradition of
American manliness in how it is expressed nationally
with regard to minorities and on the world scene with
regard to "terrorists." In some sense, in its
individualistic competitiveness, it is not much unlike
what which occurs in the lyrics of gangsta rap, but from
a different class view, at times.
But in these
manhood challenges there is also a kinship to the
psychology of Russian roulette. Do you remember that
film in which Samuel Jackson played the role of an urban
teacher in a school with Hispanic gangs, and he did the
Russian roulette thing with one of his hoodlum students?
Or do you remember those contests of "chicken," about
who backs off on the gas first before the cliff comes up
or the car smashes into the concrete wall? One places
one will against that of the other. In some sense it can
be liken to playing poker, as well. The Bluff and he who
can afford it, or is willing to take the gamble. And for
those who lack such skills, there is the mob option when
one gets others to join in on attacks against the
skilled or frightful individual or group.
In both Western
films with Cooper and Bronson, there is a hidden element
(or character flaw) that comes out as the stories
develop. Cooper as a younger man in battle showed
cowardice under fire. He still lives with that shame and
guilt. Bronson as a kid was teased about his height,
which we discover through a female Hispanic shopkeeper
who explains that Mexican men are small in stature but
in the arms of her husband none of that mattered. She
said that noting Bronson's attraction and reticence with
regard to the young spinster We discover that Bronson to
compensate for his height (or his fears or inferiority
complex) became a gunman and shocked those outlaws that
he confronted by his fearlessness with his quick and
deadly gun.
Cooper also
compensates or overcompensations for his former
cowardice by finding that which he thinks that he does
not possess by discovering it in others and branding
them as "heroes." Each of his heroes for one reason or
another does not want to be a hero and asks that he does
not file the commendation. Yet Cooper against all
reasonableness insists on turning in his reports on the
men which he scribbles in a little black book. But there
is trouble on the journey to the next post.
His leadership is
challenged when he orders the horses released to Mexican
bandits in order to save the lives of all his "heroes,"
who proved to be more villains than heroes under the
hardships of a journey on foot without food or water.
One young soldier loses his ear from a gunshot from one
of the bandits and his excessively concerned about how
he will appear to women. Another comes down with typhoid
and has to be carried. Not knowing for certain where
they are and how far they have yet to go, Cooper drives them
forward (under the point of a gun), especially after two
of them attempted rape of his woman prisoner and after one
of the troopers tells the story of his cowardice. He is
forced then to take away their guns. His men become a
mob. His lieutenant also loses confidence and turns on
him and joins the conspiracy to kill him. Cooper still
hold no malice toward his men and seems throughout
committed to make his men "heroes" and gives his little
black book to the woman to make sure it reaches the post
if anything happens to him.
In both cases, with
Bronson and Cooper, they become by the end of the film
greater than they were at the beginning of the story.
Cooper shows endurance and courage, his humanity toward
the weak and helpless (the sick soldier and the woman),
and even those who plot to kill him. He is
long-suffering and sacrificial and when they are about
to murder him, they discover that the post is just over
the next ridge The same is the case with Bronson. He too
his attacked by a mob and also finds himself through a
woman, who also has a flaw. Her mother is a saloon woman
and entrepreneur, or in some eyes, a prostitute.
Her child, the
young woman with whom Bronson falls in love, suffers
from years of guilt and alienation from her mother and
her alienation from men. But she finds a kinship in the
flawed Bronson. To secure her love, after she has lost
her mother from a shotgun wound from a member of the
mob, Bronson tosses away his gun and subjects himself
to a thrashing by the brother of the outlaw slain.
Cooper's woman, a cigarette smoker and a drinker, a
woman who "reasons like a man," she too has suffered a
similar trauma which spilled down from her father being
a crooked politician. So in both cases the women,
escaping from perceived injuries, are
mirror flawed images of the men to whom they are
attracted and they act as guides for each other to
create a new world, each for the other. In each case, a
new woman is born; a new man is born. A new man is
possible. This is America's story, in a way.
Of course, that is
all fiction. But the more pregnant instances of our
lives are they too unlike fiction, especially our inner
lives. Can we take as serious for one instance that any
of the Republican candidates once in office would
personally order the murder of millions. Any one of
them may have the stomach, of course, to order men into
battle or a Negro to the electric chair. But to have to
live with the murder of millions and the aftermath of
mass slaughter and the ecological consequences of such a
horror that could not be hidden from the world like the
Nazis attempted with their holocaust or with the
attempted justification of Truman of saving lives of
American soldiers.
All that Republican
rhetoric is manhood over-compensation. It’s playing the
game of "chicken" with the Democrats, who have since
Vietnam been accused of softness, of being weak and
wieners. Wasn’t that how George Bush was referred to
before 9/11? One might even say it was overcompensation
that led us into the present war, which was believed
initially would be a quickie. Such rhetoric also has
the additional impact of having America's people pre-occupied
with extraordinary fears for their souls, rather than
the bread and butter issues of the ordinary lives of
Americans—wages, employment, healthcare.
But there is this
additional issue that I think is vitally connected to
these material interests, namely, American identity and
America’s warped manhood issues that we find manifesting
themselves in our present aggression in matters of war-making.
The old rhetoric about imperialism and world domination
does not really get at the subtext of America’s war-nuking
rhetoric and its assumed role of global policemen. It’s
quite possible that we may see the Four Horsemen of the
Apocalypse in our life time arising out of the perverted
sense of American manhood. It is not indeed inevitable
and the Democrats do not have to play the Chicken Game.
* *
* * *
Oil, the Horse we ride on, but why?
|
The basic
principal guiding the evolution of the
species is not the survival of the fittest,
but the survival of the most sensitive.
—The Right Reverend
Lord George Macleod of Fuinary, Founder of
The Iona Community. |
I watched
The Cowboys
(1972), with John Wayne and
the recently departed great African actor, Roscoe Lee
Browne. His character was the charismatic, loving,
smart softener of Wayne's otherwise violent macho
character whose grief and sorrow were not depicted as
weakness, but as the source of a patient understanding
nurtured by Browne's character that allowed the drafted
school boys to grow up into responsible manhood. Their
love for him in his sacrificial death–that's right, "The
Duke" died a sacrificial death–resulted in burying him
under a stone that read "A Loving Husband and Father,"
which he only became because of the African
character's influence. A real resurrection theme. I am
always amused that Wayne always wore pink shirts in his
movies, including this one. His mission was changed,
transformed by Browne's character.
The essential mission of foreign policy really faces the
United States now more than ever, and remains the reason
why neither major Party "gets" the point. We do not want
to. The 1948 George Kennan State Department memo to
Harry Truman, quoted in Richard Manning's February 2004
Harper's Magazine article, "The Oil We Eat," stated our
mission as a nation: 1. to maintain our status as the
world's richest nation without endangering national
security; 2. To secure and maintain control over as many
nations' oil reserves as possible; and 3. Forget about
compassion, fairness, and good will unless they serve
goals 1 and 2. Nothing really will change unless and
until this matter matters in the public square. Just why
do we exist at all? Can we change that 1948 ground of
our being?
—Ralph
Garlin Clingan
www.actionpreaching.com
* *
* * *
The Horse We Ride on
|
According to [George F.] Kennan, when
American policymakers suddenly confronted
the Cold War, they had inherited little more
than rationale and rhetoric "utopian
in expectations, legalistic in concept,
moralistic in [the] demand it seemed to
place on others, and self-righteous in the
degree of high-mindedness and rectitude...
to ourselves." The source of the problem,
according to Kennan, is the force of
public opinion, a force that is
inevitably unstable, unserious,
subjective, emotional, and simplistic.
As a result, Kennan has insisted that the
U.S. public can only be united behind a
foreign policy goal on the "primitive
level of slogans and jingoistic ideological
inspiration." Wikipedia
[above my
italics] |
Ralph, I like very
much indeed your response to the connections I made
among Westerns, the notions we hold about manhood, and
America's foreign policy. I appreciate even more your
bringing my attention to George F. Kennan. Of course,
like most of the electorate I am totally unfamiliar with
US diplomatic history and Keenan's "Memo to Harry
Truman" regarding maintaining our wealth by seizing
control of other nations' oil reserves and what behavior
is most productive in foreign policy, namely, forget
about compassion, fairness, and the good. That indeed
seems to be where we are today, though Keenan has
insisted since 1948 that he was misunderstood.
I found a
considerable amount of information on
Keenan at Wikipedia. I scanned through it until I
came to the quote above. If we substituted "force of
public opinion," "American male psychology"
for "American
notions of manhood" are "unstable, unserious,
subjective, emotional, and simplistic," the matter
would be clearer and closer to the truth of the
situation we find ourselves, of the kind of men who run
our nation and the kind of politics we practice and the
kind of rhetoric we find in so called presidential
debates. That is, our "manhood" operates in regard to
foreign relations at the "primitive level of slogans and
jingoistic inspiration."
Probably, that
which holds us back from even more greater travesties,
like the use of nuclear bombing as a preventive measure
against potential challengers to our hegemony, is that
corporate execs are more practical and realistic and
fail to see what such measures would accomplish. That
is, they see no profit in it. That realism does not
really move us ahead; it just prevents by a fine thread
from starting the unnecessary jingoistic use of
nuclear weapons. Still We have to find some way of
dealing with our "White" manhood problems, that which in
their constitution is "unstable, unserious, subjective,
emotional, and simplistic." Maybe the Negro as
represented by Roscoe Lee Browne in the 1972
The Cowboys
has played that Uncle Tom role, that
more Christian than Thou Role and has mediated the
"white male" machismo. But we have no more Negro men
willing to play that role. The last of them died with
MLK, Senior.
In any event, such
mechanistic answers are not the way. The American
"white" male needs a more integrated manhood, not a
negro or a woman as the softener or a mediator to his
male stupidity. I suspect that will not come about
unless we have a more integrated womanhood, as well,
which is probably as sorely lacking as an integrated
manhood. As I pointed out in the Cooper film the woman
prisoner who smoke and drank was described as "reasoning
like a man." Some have described Hillary and Connie in
similar terms, or as "iron ladies," which suggest that
neither has integrated her personality as politician.
Each ahs adopted the American "white" male conception of
manhood, which from the Republican male perspective, the
willingness to drop nukes on Iran.
What we are both
getting at, finally, is that the problems of our foreign
policy are spiritual issues tied to gender issues. That
is, oil is not the Horse but rather the ground
upon which we operate presently. It is a slippery one
and filled with peril. And in this vein we can say in
addition our religionists and our religions have failed
us. Matter of fact, we can probably say their vigorous
and intrusive entrance into the political realm have
actually made matters worse, for they have with the
Bible as their major referent brought in manhood issues
of several millennia ago as a model for modern day uses.
Of course, the lowly prophet of Nazareth gets lost in
the crossfire.
And at
best our priests seem able to promise us is a Reckoning,
the Apocalypse, the Rapture, in short, more destruction,
to counter the self-righteousness and high-mindedness of
American male political perspectives. As a man of the
cloth, you must be extremely disturbed by the
present turn of events in which we find ourselves having
parlor discussions about the sanity and the political
appropriateness of mass slaughter.
—Rudy
*
* * * *
My
father rode a camel
I grew up on a
small ranch in Oklahoma and always watched Western
movies with a critical eye, being part Cherokee! My
late Father was a nonbeliever and constant, critical,
passionate seeker after truth. He would
demythologize the Our Weekly Reader I brought
home from school every Friday afternoon he was home. Two
uncles were card carrying members of the American
Communist Party headed at that time by the late Gus
Hall. I never, ever, as we say in the post Jonestown
age, "drank the cool aid." I was not allowed to go
anywhere near it. I grew up aware of George K's memo and
its disastrous consequences, and the horrible
consequences of pop culture pale faced male icons in
Western movies and TV series.
I received baptism
in March 1953 when John Holcomb delivered a sermon
about the loving, forgiving Jesus of the Gospels. Then I
left religion later on in the 1950s when they burned
Rock and Roll recordings and smashed TV sets to protest
the June Taylor Dancers' "naked legs" on the Ed Sullivan
show. The so-called "culture war" continued. I played
Rock and Roll music and loved ladies' legs. Still do.
Frederick Douglass
wrote that he preferred atheist slave owners
to Christian because the latter, alleging they beat him
in the name of God, gave more severe beatings. I
re-entered religion to stop Fundamentalists and Liberals
from beating up on each other and the world! After
reading Paul Tillich's
The Dynamics of Faith, Soren Kierkegaard's
Fear and Trembling and
Sickness Unto Death, and Arthur Cochrane's
The Church's Confession Under Hitler, a four year
friendship with a Thai Buddhist missionary who converted
from Christianity after earning a ThD from Heidelberg
University, the late Frank Brown, and active engagement
in The Civil Rights Movement led me to the District and
Martin Luther King, Jr.'s transforming address on the
Day that Changed the World, I had a mission: Transform
religion.
The reactions and
resurgencies by Fundamentalist Christians before, during
and after MLK saddened and distressed me almost as much
as the control games played by Roman Catholics. When the
late Rev. Falwell's "Old Time Gospel Hour" came on TV I
served two wee churches in Wisconsin, and had to
demythologize his agenda, which became clear when
African American Fundamentalists were turned away from
one of his rallies. That was part of the Reagan
Republican movement which, among other things equally
nefarious, set out to prove a pale face could get
elected without the votes of people with darker faces.
Now that the folks with darker faces form voting
pluralities and even majorities, the GOP has to change
this agenda, but the forces within it are putting up
one helluva fight.
I struggled the
good struggle of the faith of Jesus teaching in The
Interdenominational Theological Center, Atlanta
University 1980–88. Every day I contended with the twin
demons of Christian Fundamentalism and Capitalist
Politics from southern African American students
from churches which, like ITC in the 1950s and 60s
opposed MLK because he was too radical, and they
preferred either the Conservative or Liberal agenda. By
then I was thoroughly immersed in theological criticisms
of both types of Christian theology, which was why I
resonated so thoroughly with the distinctions
Powell
made as he criticized Fundamentalism and Liberalism in
his day. MLK's "Letter
from the Birmingham Jail" contained a terrific
criticism of Liberals wanting him to be more patient and
accept gradual change, and spoke to my heart in the
1960s.
Working with
Koreans there and here since 2001, just after the Twin
Towers disaster in NYC, I have had to educate them as to
the dangers of Fundamentalism and Liberalism, which are
the only two kinds of Christianity they tend to think
exist. To a great degree, that is because Christianity
in East Asia built on foundations laid by The Confucian
Code and Buddhism. Now, of course, with prosperity,
Korea has the highest divorce rate in the world (60%),
alcoholism, drug addiction, sexual exploitation of
children, wife and child abuse, air, water and ground
pollution, and all the other problems we have.
I appreciate
George's objection that his memo has been misunderstood,
but he really should be more circumspect. Power
brokers use any and all rhetorical devices at their
disposal to placate and control the masses. My
study of Clayton Powell led me to his sermon about
Manhood and true manliness, his sermon about Woman and
his advocacy of equality for women. I believe the
mountain of material created by Cherokee (and other
Native American nations), African, Asian, Jewish, and
Semitic/Arabic peoples which entered into our
consciousness forms one line that defines the
good struggle of faith today. Watching reruns of "Kung
Fu" recently reminded me of that.
If George Kennan
truly regrets being misunderstood, he owes the world a
louder, more public apology. A man justifies his
existence in part by atoning for his mistakes. The
machinery of Western Rhetoric, after deriving truth from
facts (the highest form, in Aristotle's
Rhetoric),
Movere, turns that truth into
a catechism for the schools to teach curious children to
placate their curiosity, Placere, and then
develops various entertainment devices to appeal to and
control the emotions of the people, to make them docile
and pliant, Docere. The struggle to liberate
people from this very intentional web of deception and
control is constant. What did he really expect to
happen? A year later, 1949, Truman and MacArthur engaged
the build up leading to the Korean War in a vain attempt
to control Chinese and Russian oil supplies.
As I travel the
world in my active retirement years, I encounter the
results of my nation's belligerent foreign policy. I
feel so very sad and dismal. I dismay as I lament the
demeaning results of our Conservative and Liberal forces
around the world. O how they love to take pictures and
make movies: The heroic conquests by the Conservatives;
the daring rescues, school openings, and food programs
of the Liberals. Then, when a Hugo Chavez or the late
Amilcar Cabral try to get a word of real hope in
edgewise, they rain down on him with all the power at
their disposal. I celebrate the victories of my small,
and getting smaller religious tradition shared by others
who also share the social witness agenda of The
Presbyterian Church (USA). Ever since the baby boom left
home for college in 1964, all the religious, culture,
and social institutions of the US have declined, across
the board, from churches to fine arts, to civic clubs.
Will we bottom out as a polyglot of pleasure and wealth
seeking individuals who do not care a bit about one
another and start connecting again, as the more
optimistic say? Or will we destroy the rest of the world
so our stuff will outlast us, as their opponents say?
I hope you will use
George's memo and its horrid, if unintended results, and
inspire as many people as possible to deal with the very
serious, foundational issues and problems it presents. I
have addressed the looming crises Manning discussed in
his article in the light of GK's memo in sermons I have
preached in Korean churches, three seminaries, and two
universities over there, and wherever I can get a
hearing hereabouts, and, of course, in my work
moderating my Synod's Public Policy Advocacy Network,
representing the Board of Directors of the Presbyterian
Health, Education, and Welfare Association in my Synod,
and writing books and letters to the editor (a short
note favoring the abolition of the death penalty in New
Jersey was in yesterday's Newark Star Ledger.
I serve also on the
Quick Response Team of the Democratic National
Committee. The editor of The Living Pulpit just
asked me to pen an essay about how to prepare sermons
quickly and deliver them in lively ways, in which I will
raise again, as I did in my
Powell book, the problems posed for us by the
Rhetorical Establishment, and, as I have in my recent
sermons, the problems we face with the end of the
Petroleum Age. What relations do you have with other
journalistic and higher education institutions that
might allow the fielding of a major symposium on these
issues? If you know people doing these sorts of things,
I would find such work fascinating and morally
satisfying.
I will close this part of our great correspondence with
a quote from an Arab Oil Sheik: My father rode a camel.
I drive a Mercedes. My son flies a jet airplane. His son
will ride a camel. . . .
—Ralph
Garlin Clingan * *
* * *
Republicans consider nuclear bombing--Did you take note that all
Republican candidates for the presidency said in their last
"debate" that they would consider dropping a nuclear bomb on
Iran? None seems troubled that this criminal act of mass
slaughter was not met by the general public with
astonishment and horror. Have we come to the point that such
mass murder is accepted by the general American
public without outrage? This kind of cold callousness to
general humanity with its frightful annihilating
consequences in the millions is beyond belief. It was as if
they were talking about a sports game. I tossed and turned
all night after hearing the report on the radio. I still
find it beyond belief that none has found their remarks
scandalous and that we did not wake this morning to find in
media headlines that these men are monstrous by their
serious consideration of such a scenario of their political
leadership. How far we have fallen in our own humanity! -- Rudy
"It was shocking that several
presidential candidates in the recent GOP debate talked
almost casually about using nuclear weapons against Iran,
but there was no public outcry. . . . . Today, the U.S.
still has about 10,000 nuclear weapons and is designing new
ones. The annual nuclear weapons budget is one-third higher
now -- in real terms – than it was during the Cold War. We
need to rekindle the intense international concern about
nuclear weapons of 25 years ago that probably helped us
survive." Jacqueline Cabasso
http://www.wslfweb.org
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updated 15 December 2007 |