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Books by Wilson
Jeremiah Moses
Golden Age of Black Nationalism,
1850-1925 (1988) /
The Wings of Ethiopia
(1990)
Alexander
Crummell: A Study of Civilization and Discontent
(1992) /
Destiny & Race: Selected Writings, 1840-1898
(1992)
Black
Messiahs and Uncle Toms: Social and Literary
Manipulations of a Religious Myth (1993)
Liberian Dreams: Back-to-Africa
Narratives from the 1850s
/
Afrotopia: The Roots of African American
Popular History
(2002)
Creative Conflict in African American Thought (2004)
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Obama and Bitterness
By Wilson J. Moses
Barack Obama is
under attack for making the common-sense observation
that many poor whites in the USA are bitter and that in
response to their frustrations they turn to guns,
religion, and attacks on those who are different. It is
certainly no news to anyone that this nation hosts a
militia movement of those who "love their country, but
hate its government," or that people turn to religion in
times of anxiety. CNN and the Clinton campaign are
desperately grasping to distort this statement of the
obvious, but in the process they reveal only their own
insensitivity to the bitterness, resentment and anger
that are seething below the surface in small-town white
America.
As for blaming
those who are different, the Anti-Defamation League has
long suspected the relationship of the militia movement
to xenophobia.
http://www.adl.org/learn/news/Leader_arrested%20.asp
The present state
of bitterness results from problems generated, not
entirely on Wall Street, but on Main Street, as well.
The American economy is the victim of feckless local
real estate brokers, who encourage the ignorant to
speculate against the American dollar, and wild-cat
banks of the sort that have mushroomed all over America
in recent years, promoting gambling with interest-only
loans and exploiting the gullible with adjustable rate
mortgages. As the Federal Reserve bails out the banks
and the stock exchange by lowering interest rates, it
simply debases the value of the dollar, thus driving up
food prices and pushing gasoline towards the $4 per
gallon mark.
When Obama hears
the voice of Jeremiah Wright or the voices of
disgruntled poor whites in small town America, he is
hearing, in Thomas Jefferson's words, "a fire bell in
the night." With further allusion to Jefferson,
Chairman Ben Bernanke might say that he and his Federal
Reserve have a "wolf [or a bear] by the ears; and we
can neither hold him nor safely let him go."
Our next president
may have occasion to recall the words of William
Berkeley,Virginia's colonial governor during Bacon's
Rebellion in 1676, "How miserable that man [or woman] is
that Governes a People where 6 parts of seaven at least
are Poore Endebted Discontented & Armed."
April 13, 2008
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Media Response
Obama says he regrets wording of 'bitter' remarks—Obama
tells the Winston-Salem Journal in North Carolina that
he regrets wording things in a way that offended people.
. . . The comments drew fire from Clinton, who called
the remarks "elitist," "out of touch" and "demeaning."
Clinton supporters handed out "I'm not bitter" stickers
in North Carolina, and held a conference call with
Pennsylvania mayors to denounce Obama.
WBOC-TV
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Obama under fire
after fundraiser remarks—"You
go into some of these small towns in Pennsylvania, and
like a lot of small towns in the Midwest, the jobs have
been gone now for 25 years and nothing's replaced them,"
Obama, an Illinois senator, said." And it's not
surprising then they get bitter, they cling to guns or
religion or antipathy to people who aren't like them or
anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a
way to explain their frustrations," he said. . . .
"Pennsylvania
doesn't need a president who looks down on them," she
said told a rally. "They need a president who stands up
for them, who fights for them, who works hard for your
futures, your jobs, your families." Clinton, a former
first lady, once led Obama by double digits in polls in
Pennsylvania, the next big battleground in their
struggle for the right to face McCain in the November
presidential election. That lead has dwindled to about 4
to 6 points in several recent polls in a state that has
struggled from job losses and has a big population of
blue-collar voters who have been Clinton's biggest
backers. . . .
An aide to McCain
called the fundraiser comments "remarkable and extremely
revealing." "It shows an elitism and condescension
toward hard-working Americans that is nothing short of
breathtaking," said Steve Schmidt, a senior adviser to
the Arizona senator. "It is hard to imagine someone
running for president who is more out of touch with
average Americans."
Yahoo
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Obama Says People in Penn. Bitter (video)
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Obama expresses regret for
remarks on small towns—Campaigning
in Muncie, Ind., Obama called the controversy
interesting. "Lately there has been a little typical
sort of political flare-up, because I said something
that everybody knows is true, which is that there are a
whole bunch of folks in small towns in Pennsylvania, in
towns right here in Indiana, in my hometown in Illinois,
who are bitter," Obama told the crowd.
"They are angry. They feel like they have been left
behind. They feel like nobody is paying attention to
what they're going through. So I said, well you know,
when you're bitter you turn to what you can count on. So
people, they vote about guns, or they take comfort from
their faith and their family and their community. And
they get mad about illegal immigrants who are coming
over to this country, or they get frustrated about how
things are changing. That's a natural response.
"And now, I didn't say it as well as I should have,
because you know the truth is that these traditions that
are passed on from generation to generation, those are
important."
LA Times
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CNN: The Clintons' Millions - Corrupting Ties (video)
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Millionaires
Accusing Each Other of Elitism—Worst of all, Obama's
words rendered him an "elitist"
in the eyes of his critics, which in American political
discourse is akin to being a child molester or a
Frenchman. But is Barack Obama really an elitist as his
opponents claim? Well of course he is—he's running for
president of the United States! He wouldn't have gotten
this far in life if he'd spent the past 20 years driving
a truck or moonlighting as a fry cook at Arby's. Like
every other successful politician in the United States,
Obama is a member of America's political ruling class,
which means that like every other presidential candidate
in recent memory, he is typically insulated from the
lives of ordinary people. Does Obama really have any
idea what it's like to live like a "Real American?" Of
course he doesn't, and neither do John McCain and
Hillary Clinton! Does any rational person out there
believe that Obama, Clinton and McCain spend their free
time away from the campaign trail hanging out at Jimmy
Ray's Chicken'n'Beer Depot playing darts with the common
folk? In theory, this point should be fairly obvious. .
. . George W. Bush has not been a particularly good
president for blue-collar people. From the
bankruptcy bill that made it harder for Americans to
escape debt, to the
tax cuts that were tilted heavily toward the uber-rich,
to his mercifully-botched scheme to
privatize social security, all of Bush's major
economic initiatives have been tailored specifically to
shaft working-class people in order to benefit really,
really, really, really, really rich people. While some
major media figures, most notably
Paul Krugman, tirelessly pointed this out, the vast
majority of our bonehead millionaire pundit class
declared Bush to be more in touch with the average
American than elitist snobs such as John Kerry and Al
Gore.—Alternet
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* * *
A
Response from Jerusalem
There is too much blind racial
bitterness in
America. I am discovering
that as internet correspondent and as a substitute
teacher at the county high school. I've never lived in a
poor racially integrated neighborhood, though I knew of
many while a resident of
Maryland. But now I am coming in
contact with many more poor whites than I would living
in the ghettos of
Baltimore. Here, at the county high
school, I see more socializing among poor whites and
poor blacks. The more well off send their kids to
private schools to avoid all racial conflicts.
There occurs more instances of
white girls with black boys and white girls with black
girls than white boys and black boys or white boys
and black girls. So they all seem to have an
unwritten agreed upon isolation within school unity. In
the computer room the white boys have their web sites
they visit and the blacks have their websites that they
visit. Blacks in the county are 3 to 2 and in the
school blacks are in the overwhelming majority,
including staff and faculty.
Of course, there are the white
rebels and black rebels on the socio-cultural level who
are severe problem students. One white student drove a
pick up truck with a with a great Confederate flag
flying. Then there are those white students who openly
say they are Republicans and will not vote for Obama,
but McCain. I imagine that there was once more open
antagonisms when the school first integrated in the
1970s. (I'm glad I was not at Central during that
period.) Outside of school, on the whole, the white
students and black students do not socialize at all. A
continued isolation. For it is in isolation that the
stereotypes and the myths develop.
One peculiar observation
occurred last Friday in a computer lab. There's a smart
young black boy. Let's call him DeShawn. I constantly
see him walking the halls in mischief. He's an annoying,
disconcerting little fellow. So he's not physically a
bully like some of the guys. But he has a smart mouth
and in that he's intelligent he always gets his work
done before his peers. But he does not know how to sit
still or be unto himself. So I observed him with a
pretty young white girl. Let's call her Brittany, who
was working on some project at the computer.
DeShawn began to taunt her
about what he had done sexually to her mother and what
he would continue to do with her mother. Brittany was
cool and tried to ignore him with a smile. Overhearing
this case of the dozen being played out, I told DeShawn
to cut it out, "Don't do that!" Of course, he ignored
me. After awhile he became exhausted with this bit of
low life behavior and went about some other nonsense.
Brittany, the pretty white girl, turns and says to me,
"I hate him." And then she went on about her work.
In short, there is bitterness
all around. One might say there is a cultural clash of
bitterness that is repressed as a means of avoiding open
violence. Of course in the days of white supremacy in
Virginia an incident like the taunting of a white girl
by a black boy might have ended in an Emmett Till
incident. But these are class-cultural issues rather
than racial ones.
That the
Clintons
are ever ready to exploit racial issues for political
benefit, of course, goes back to at least 1996, and
maybe back to 1992 with the cultural baiting of Sister
Souljah by presidential candidate Bill Clinton. The
Times has brought our attention to the issue of
their use of myths and stereotypes for political
advantage. In light of the Feds bail out of investment
houses around the issue of sub-prime mortgage lending,
the treatment of the poor is back again on the table.
Of course, passing the welfare
bill the Clintons made use of the racial
card. Republican conservatives and the masked liberal
neoconservatives are all too willing to make use of
racial myths and stereotypes. For them the poor, welfare
recipients, and criminals have only a black
face. Attacks on the irresponsibility and the
criminality of the black poor have continued
into the 21st century
among black neo-conservatives
like Skip Gates, Cornel West, Bill Cosby, and others .
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If you have not
read "From
Welfare Shift in ’96, a Reminder for
Clinton," you
should. One should read
also the
Times (1996) report on the
signing of the welfare bill in which
Congressman Lewis of
Georgia
said the following:
|
'Where is the compassion?'' he
asked. ''Where is the sense of
decency? Where is the heart of
this Congress? This bill is
mean. It is base. It is
downright lowdown. What does it
profit a great nation to conquer
the world, only to lose its
soul?'' (NYTimes) |
The welfare bill
abolished Aid to Families With Dependent
Children, which was created by the Social
Security Act, signed by Franklin D.
Roosevelt in August 1935. |
 |
With the growing impact on the
economy of the
sub-prime lending scandal, the so called social net
will be pushed to the brink of a social disaster. The
Obama problem, in this instance with respect to his view of
the bitterness of the white poor, is that he took a
rather vague stance on the 1996 welfare bill:
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“Before welfare
reform, you had, in the minds of most
Americans, a stark separation between the
deserving working poor and the undeserving
welfare poor,” Mr. Obama said in an
interview. “What welfare reform did was
desegregate those two groups. Now, everybody
was poor, and everybody had to work” (NYTimes). |
So in trying to distinguish
himself from civil rights and welfare liberals, Obama
has in a sense talked himself into a situation in which
he can only apologize for his choice of words, rather
than a full force attack on the Clintons for their
contribution to the dire situation of the poor,
especially poor women, many of whom have been abandoned
by their husbands because of the shortage of work. That
is, in some sense, Obama has created his own set of white
myths and stereotypes. But which are not entirely false.
There is always some truth in myths and stereotypes. Are
there those poor whites who are willing to make use of
minorities as scapegoats? Yes. Are there other whites
and blacks willing to use the poor—blacks and whites—as
scapegoats to stir racial antagonisms? Yes.
So, yes, Obama did not quite
get his words right. There are no right words for a
people steeped centuries in racial antagonisms for the
sake of the wealthy and their lynch men and women.
Unlike Mrs. Clinton, I think Obama's heart is in the right place, even if his political
expediency falls short of the truth of the present
reality. There indeed will be a potential for
a growing bitterness among whites, blacks, Hispanics,
and others as the economic crises develop. Will they
turn against one another? I hope not. I hope that Obama,
though he stumbled here, will see the larger picture and
how we got to where we are today, namely, ideologies
that favor the rich and set the white poor and working
classes against blacks, but particularly poor and
working class blacks. It will indeed be regrettable if
black, white, and Hispanic demagogues (of whatever
class) exploit (fuel the racial bitterness) to worsen
relationships among Americans. For it is my view that
black bitterness can be just as dangerous as white
bitterness.
I find it quite ironical at
this stage in the Obama campaign we have come to this
bitter racial moment. Maybe we are indeed fortunate. For
it shows that we Americans, indeed, are not that far
apart in our potential to create myths and stereotypes
about one another, whether we are elitists or not. It is
not a a case of elitism, on the part of Obama, but
rather such factors as isolationism, or a lack of
sufficient empathy, or too much of a dependency on
distancing sociological studies. I find it grand of him
to apologize, despite the truth found in his
words.
For the Clintons as it has
always been, it is a case of racial opportunism and
political expediency.—Rudy
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The Tractor Man
Rudy and Wilson:
Presidential
hopeful, Mrs Clinton, futilely trying to
fan the flames of an anti-Obama controversy by
distorting the important issues raised in his “Small
Town Voters” talk is clearly ignoring the wider issues
in a message expressed in the civil disobedience of
North Carolina’s “Tractor Man.”
The short memory
Clinton have forgotten Mr. Dwight “Tractor Man” Watson
(58) who hails from the small Town of Whitakers, NC. I
believe that he is regarded by many small farmers and
working families in rural America as some sort of hero
because he embodies their frustration, pain, and
suffering after he dramatically drove his farm tractor
into a pond in a Mall in Washington DC and then claimed
to be armed and dangerous.
In his protest, the
small town farmer threatened to blow himself up in the
national mall.
It resulted in a
two-day stand off, March 17 -19 2003, between Watson in
his tractor and the FBI’s SWAT team, but it brought to
the nations awareness, dramatically, the economic
hardship that America’s small farmers and rural settlers
have been experiencing under the nations trading
policies.
I understood
Obama’s talk about life and economic problems in small
towns to be highlighting the very real problems of poor
working families and small farmers in rural America.
North Carolina’s
congressman, Bob Etheridge who hastily issued a
statement about the event, clearly concurs with
Obama when he said that “While none of us condones the
actions or methods of Mr. Watson, those of us who have
fought for tobacco farmers and rural communities
understand his deep frustration. Mr. Watson personifies
the growing pain and frustration felt in tobacco
country.”
Those who are
condemning Mr. Obama’s statement would be well advised
if they examine instead the economic conditions created
for working class families and small farmers by Bill
Clinton’s foreign policies.
As Congressman
Etheridge Declared at the time, “I thank God the Dwight
Watson case ended peacefully. We must not miss this
opportunity to address the very real problems of tobacco
country and rural America.”
While Dwight Watson
was sentence to prison for his wrong behavior, it is
foolhardy to sweep under the rug the issue that he has
raised, which Obama’s talk is now exposing.
Obama has correctly
and empathetically dubbed the militant and religions
reactions of America’s small-farmers and rural working
families, as “antipathy.” He is not saying anything more
or less than Etheridge from NC has already said about
the “Tractor Man.—Lloyd
McCarthy
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Matthews vs.
McNulty—A recent New York Times profile of
Matthews describes a name-dropping dilettante floating
between television studios and cocktail parties. The
article documents the MSNBC host's $5 million salary,
three Mercedes and house in lavish Chevy Chase, Md. Yet
Matthews said, "Am I part of the winner's circle in
American life? I don't think so."
That stupefying
comment sums up a pervasive worldview in Washington that
is hostile to any discussion of class divides. Call it
Matthews-ism — an ideology most recently seen in the
brouhaha over Barack Obama's statement about economic
dislocation. The Illinois senator said that when folks
feel economically shafted, they get "bitter."
Matthews-ism spun the truism into a scandal.
The Washington
Post labeled Obama's statements "Bittergate." Tim
Russert invited affluent political consultants on "Meet
the Press" to analyze the "controversy," with
millionaire James Carville saying, "I'm hardly bitter
about things." Hillary Clinton called Obama
"elitist," ignoring her mansions in Washington and
Chappaqua, $109 million income, career as a Wal-Mart
board member, and legacy pushing job-killing policies
like NAFTA.
This sickening
episode was topped off by ABC's Charles Gibson, who only
months ago humiliated himself by insinuating that
typical middle-class families make $200,000 a year (95
percent make less). Last week, while moderating a
debate, Gibson segued from the "bitter" comment into a
tirade against rescinding capital gains tax breaks,
implying the proposal would hurt most Americans. This,
even though the tax cuts in question delivered the vast
majority of their benefits to the richest 1 percent.
By downplaying
inequality and couching royalism in middle-class
arguments, the Beltway elite pretend there are not two
Americas but only one: theirs.
Creators
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posted 13 April 2008 |