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My
plans to satisfy Nigerians
Ojukwu . . . Provides
insight into how
to
move Igbo nation forward
By
Paul Odili
Friday,
January 24, 2003
As you read this, Ojukwu is in Aba, Abia state to flag off
his presidential campaign. "Is Ojukwu serious?", is a
common question asked. The other is considering his antecedents, a
former rebel leader, went to exile and came back, does he not
realise he has an image problem, that will hinder his aspiration.
Vanguard knowing fully well that these are the thinking, decided
to take him up on these questions. What you will be reading is
Ojukwu at his best: deflating questions if he thought he has to;
answering them directly and with great insight if he has to. But
in the end never evading any.
Why is Ikemba in this race, why are you not out of politics
providing leadership from outside of it? And you know there are
those who hold the view that if you lose the election, you will
only succeed in demystifying yourself?
Ojukwu: One of the problems we have is that our use of English language
usually leads us to areas we do not plan to end. I mean let's take
what you are talking about, all those people you call fathers of
the nation are those who were never presidents of the country, all
of them. Zik, Awolowo, Sardauna, those are the fathers of the
nation; and they were in politics to the end. You ask me why don't
I sit back and not demystify myself and I immediately reply you
that you and I are probably not looking at it correctly.
My concept of a hero is that man you see walking in from the
sunset tattered, tired with mud splashes on his body and his
clothes; that man walking in from conflict is the hero not the man
in white splendid robes sitting somewhere. Because you see my view
is that when there is a job to be done it is my honour to be among
those called to do it. You then say to me you might fail, I laugh
at that because actually I do not think that I will ever fail. I
might not become president, I might not be voted for as president,
I might even be rigged out; remember that none of those that have
been termed great ever achieved the presidency of this country. So
you might even begin to wonder whether failing an election is not
the proper criterion for leadership and greatness, I do not know.
You see that does not worry me at all, because there is greater
honour in the struggle.
I am in this race because I have so much more to give to Nigeria.
I am in this race because I think that I can win the election. I
think that I can satisfy the yearnings of Nigerians across the
board. You see there are very few Nigerians who have the privilege
of seeing the future, perhaps I am one of them. The current wisdom
of Nigeria remains prefixed by Ojukwu said so; whether it was 30
years ago, or 20 years ago it is always that I said so and I thank
God for granting me life to be able to witness my own vindication.
What we are going through now is Ojukwu's vindication and what to
do with that vindication.
Your party is relatively new and what you are seeking for it is
a tall challenge and that makes the odds a little higher?
Ojukwu: You might be very right, but I do not dwell on that. The date that
it was registered makes APGA a relatively new party, but we have
been at this for nearly five years you know. I started the Peoples
Democratic Congress (PDC) and it was rejected no doubt. But come
this time my good friend Chekwas Okorie, who was in fact my
secretary in PDC started APGA. Yes pick or choose, the party is
relatively new or would need a rather longer incubating period.
Then you ask me will that not make my party suffer certain
disadvantages, and I say yes that the greatest disadvantage is
that it is not an incumbent government and has therefore not
suffered from the corrupting influence of the incumbent
government.
Ojukwu: I believe that we are putting together a
coalition that nobody has seen before in Nigeria. Yes, we did not
start in time, but how many months did Zik start NPP - two months.
The people of this area are so good that they can be mobilised, in
fact they are already mobilised and are lining in wait for action.
And when you say that what do the people of this area constitute
in terms of population, they constitute number two in population
of many states in the country. So can you imagine a mobilised
people what effect they can have in the coming election.
In fact, today I was rather amazed when a
gentleman came before me six-foot two, I think, and said, "Sir,
I am the APGA gubernatorial candidate for Lagos state," an
Igbo man already. The type of confidence we never had for a long
time, oh no it was possible when we started Nigeria, but which
died very soon after independence; that confidence is beginning to
return. Do you know something I enjoyed today, I do not think
there can ever be political discussion in Nigeria that cannot
include an Igbo representative. So already the tripod has been
re-established, and this gives us the hope for greater stability
in the future.
I am in this business because I believe that Nigeria is not wrong,
it is the governance in Nigeria that is wrong. You see Nigeria was
built as a federation and any student in social science in any
university will know that the first thing in a federation is that
no unit of the federation should be preponderant over the others.
But because we were most anxious for our independence and because
we were most anxious to appease the North; because many of us hold
different political philosophies and because at that time the
British Labour Party was having a honeymoon with its new found
federalism, we were handed over a badly structured federation.
At home the mere fact that we were getting
independence was enough, the dancing in the streets, the merry
making that we were going to be free, nobody cared about the type
of freedom we were getting. I mean to understand the type of
feeling we had in those days, we had this specter of Dr Nnamdi
Azikiwe, our political leader going to England to get
independence, and at one point rejected the independence in order
to wait for the North. He could have thought differently, but no
he did not.
What I am trying to say to you is that we were
mesmerized with our vision of independence; before today the
general attitude was what did we do with that lopsided
independence. Sardauna, Sir Ahamdu Bello took one look at it and
decided there is no other way to dominate this amalgam other than
by force. In that, Obafemi Awolowo tended to agree, but he wanted
to dominate by force of intellect, force of money, and up to a
point ideological force; force it had to be.
It is that, that made Ahamdu Bello to seize up
the North by booth straps, Awolowo by free education; on our side
I humbly think that we made an error, because we spent sometime
celebrating independence. We thought a nation had arrived, we
proceeded to make sacrifices, it would be honourable if there was
a nation to make a sacrifice for. All our lives, the people of the
east have been making sacrifice for the people of Nigeria.
The other two: the north and west have been
busy extracting the very sinews of Nigeria. What you find in
Nigeria is a nation that is afraid to react, here in Nigeria we
accept force as a normal way of doing things. I had been a soldier
and I know what we do; when you go to war you fight and when you
gain your victory you pillage and you loot; you dominate and that
has been the general tendencies of succeeding governments in
Nigeria. The defeated in this case have no right. I am not
accusing anybody, but I am pointing at things people should look
at. If you use force to acquire government then corruption must
follow, occupation forces are notoriously corrupt.
Actually what happened was that the Nigerian army did become an
occupation force. But what I think that each leader should have
looked at is how to balance the Nigerian structure, and when I
talk about healing Nigeria, I mean a balanced structure. We must
find a way to redesign Nigeria to accommodate other interests; the
inequities of Nigeria will always remain crying out for salvation.
If the peoples of the east, or west cannot find jobs there is
nothing you can do to make them happy unless you find them jobs.
If the people from certain areas constantly
find the people they beat at school ruling them there can't be
peace. If in Nigeria mediocres constantly rule the clever ones
there can be no peace. If I take my son to Port Harcourt and show
him the building that belongs to his grand father that is not his,
and all his investigations show that I have not sold the property,
all you are doing is planting a gun powder, because he will not be
happy. It does not matter how long it takes, "that used to be
my grand fathers building," he would always say. You cannot
blame him and that is why I say Nigeria can heal itself; I say
lets sit down and repair the damage of the war, restore to every
Nigerian citizen that which rightly belongs to him.
We should sit round the table and re-plan
Nigeria. Today everybody is talking about on-shore / offshore
dichotomy, but remember that we started out life with the people
who own the wells obtaining from the federal government 50% of
revenue of resource derived from the area. The army brought it
down to 1%; now when they start quarreling and getting angry and
you say there is instability in Nigeria; no, Nigeria is not the
problem, it is the governance. I was the one that raised the
percentage to 13% at the constitutional conference; even that
nobody is able to pay. What I am saying is that we can pay for our
peace in this country and it will be right. And if we sit down to
look at these issues it does not take much to alleviate them. But
what is also criminal is to use oil revenue for politics, because
it is for alleviating the sufferings of the people.
As the election draws near, the north has settled for Buhari,
the west for Obasanjo and in the east there are three of you so
far; that does not do the zone any good, I see the persistence of
a problem?
Ojukwu: You said you see the persistence of a problem, actually I do not
see any, that instead of one you now see three. First, we must
understand that we are by nature more democratic than others. The
reason there are three is quite obvious, in fact I am surprised I
thought there would be more; because in the first place the
proliferation of political parties that was done in a random
manner gives room for mushrooming of parties. It is quite possible
to find a party with a membership of two, and these two can easily
nominate themselves, one will be the presidential candidate and
the other vice-presidential candidate.
And you know this scenario is not so farfetched
and if you use this to pillory one group and say that these people
come from your area, I say no. What I want you to look at is the
parties that have potentials, and don't forget also that in every
society there are some people who are at the lunatic fringe. There
are people if it is a true democracy who could form parties to
eliminate cockroaches from Nigeria. And if it happens that the
leader of that party comes from the north, would you say that the
north has two candidates?
Then the other thing is derived from the
perception that the north is one; across the north there are
institutions that bind the north. If today they summon the emirs
all of them will come together, they have their links. If you are
thinking of development they are all the same; to a large extent
the people of the west are the same. So much so that many years
after the creation of states the Edo state reflex is towards the
west, because of the persistence of those institutions.
In the east it is not the same. Then you go and
ask, but why? The fact is that actually in the east, whatever we
had as institution got fragmented as soon as states were created.
Not too long ago I was talking to my great friend Olusegun
Obasanjo, he talked about the position of the south. And I said to
him no, in political terms the south does not exist, because the
existence of the south must derive not from rhetoric, but
institutions holding them together, because there are none. The
only thing that links to the west is the Niger bridge and that is
further buffered by western Igbos, these are the problems.
Would you not feel burdened if people look at you and say here
is a former rebel leader, who now wants to lead a nation he wanted
to pull out from?
Ojukwu: No I would not and I would have a lot of sympathy for the
ignorance of that person. But we are a democratic society so I
must respect the persons right. Me a rebel, no I have never
disobeyed a senior officer, on the other side, all of them have
disobeyed senior officers; not only disobeyed their senior
officers they murdered even some of them to get to the positions
they found themselves. Today, everybody has come to the full
knowledge that we were right. How do you stay in a country that
suddenly decides to massacre your people wherever they found them
within the country. If tomorrow they start doing that we would not
bar any option, somebody wanted to secede; what is wrong with
that? I want to live in Nigeria, I love Nigeria but it has to be a
just Nigeria. If the answer is that I must stay in Nigeria and the
other members of Nigeria are my prison warders I don't want to be
part of that Nigeria. So nobody can intimidate me with that, and
the funny thing I want you to know is that this terrible rebel
officer still remains more popular than the loyal officers.
Everybody in Nigeria knows that money is essential for a
successful outing in the field; APGA from every indication does
not have the financial muscle. How do you plan to handle this?
Ojukwu: Money is very important no doubt, but I am glad that I am not in a
party that bribes; I do not buy votes, the APGA has other means of
convincing people. What happened at the PDP convention is known to
everybody, and I am pretty certain that one thing you will not
find with us is driving bullion vehicles into convention grounds.
You might say then how do you then intend to do it? I know we are
not as rich as the others, but we are richer than all of them in
philosophy. I know we are not as rich as the others, but we are
richer in commitment. The others are like a gang, they have ganged
and shared loot, but we don't.
We wish we had a little bit more money, but if
election takes as high a price as the ANPP and PDP, then one
wonders whether elections are useful. Can you imagine how many
hospitals can be built with all that money? Can you imagine how
many tertiary institutions can be funded with all that money? But
rather in other to dip their grabby fingers into the honey pot,
they are willing to waste Nigeria's resources. We are willing to
go months without paying salaries, months without opening schools.
In Nigeria even the judiciary was closed for so many months; you
wonder why people get killed every day.
Your opponents look at you and say Ojukwu has no electoral
worth, he has never really won an election, what is your reaction?
Ojukwu: I hope and pray all my opponents have been saying that; and
therefore turn away from me and go on doing their campaigns,
actually believing that Ojukwu has no political value. And it is
possible that they might even think like that, because they are
the ones who made themselves delusional. But having said that
really, lets look at that: When I came back in 1982 I stood for
election for the senate seat in Onitsha, I won that election; you
know I won the election, because the electoral officer whoever he
was from the north resigned his appointment when he was told to
falsify my results. Everybody knows this, but some people think
they can intimidate me by shutting me up with "you lost the
election," living in self-delusion. The fact is that I never
lost the election. And then the next one I took part in was the
one for the constitutional conference; perhaps I lost that one as
well, I don't know.
If Igbo leaders say to you stand down because it would enhance
the chances of another Igbo son, would you consider that?
Ojukwu: If Igbo leaders say "my dear Emeka we have looked around,
Okafor is better than you" and it is true, who am I. You see
the problem is not Ojukwu, I have been head of state before you
know. So I know what it is all about, and that does not push me.
As far as I am concerned if that is what is agreed, okay. The
thing you must bear in mind is that everybody sought the mandate
except me. You will not see any poster of mine anywhere, because I
was not seeking it. You will not see any application of mine
anywhere; whilst others were preening themselves, going around
trying to seduce an incredulous population, I was here in my study
contemplating the situation in Nigeria, when I was approached.
I am the one person who can say to you, yes I
was approached. I was asked, I was pressured, even by non-Igbos
who wanted me to come out and put an end to this drift. It is on
record that the answer I gave was please, please give me some
time; the final answer I gave was that I would go to Nnewi, I
would stay a week call it a retreat and after the retreat I would
give them my answer. And then I accepted; I am not a reluctant
leader like some people pretend to be. I have evidence that for
once you might say I am not a reluctant leader, but a reluctant
candidate.
When you came back in 1982, you said you were joining NPN
because you wanted to take Ndigbo back to the main stream of
Nigeria politics. Now with APGA, which is not a mainstream party,
does your change not question your wisdom of the past?
Ojukwu: First, as far as I'm concerned it does not worry me, if I am set
to change my position as I grow old in this world because I am not
of that level of arrogance, that believes in my own infallibility.
So no matter how that question is phrased, it does not bother me.
Now let me tell you this, when I came back from exile at the
instance of the government; I came back and that government had
Igbo sons and daughters to the level of nearly 50%, the only
person they did not have was Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe on their side. And
there is no way you could choose the Igbo leaders in NPP above the
leaders in NPN.
So lets understand this; that the decision was
deeper than you suggest. I came back to Nigeria and I looked at
the geo-political situation, and I looked around and I found that
not every Tom, Dick and Harry, were enthused about my return; some
were and some were not. And I considered the situation and
pondered, should I go to the east and stay in isolation with the
NPP government of the east, which was opposed to the NPN
government of the federation. I know if I did that I would not
last three weeks before I am put in Kirikiri, possibly for certain
conspiracies that I did not know existed; with my reputation
everybody would believe it.
The other reason is that I found in NPN a
rather comfortable democratic organisation devoid of certain
brashness I did not like in politics anyway. In the end I found it
more conducive to helping my people than grand standing as indeed
was the habit of the opposition. You must remember that even at
that time just because I allowed myself to be brought back home by
one party, the other party considered me persona non-grata. The
decision of my return was not taken in a vacuum, have you
forgotten; Jim Nwobodo, in those days; by the way we became very
good friends in Kirikiri, but that is Nigeria for you, he
distanced himself from the returning Ojukwu, so you can understand
that the decision was not really hard to make. It took some time
because I wanted to check certain things I had not seen for some
13 years.
Your declaration came out at a time Ekwueme said he was going
to run, was that a coincidence (interrupts) ?
Ojukwu: It was not a coincidence, we were in the process of producing for
us somebody who would fulfill certain tasks and we were taking a
rather long time in order to zero unto one man, and I said that I
was disgusted with the continued beating about the bush. Fed up
with how it was dragging on. I said to my audience I do not know
what you people are afraid of, if you cannot find any I will stand
up. Coincidence, no. It was a constructive prod to the people
entrusted with the task. I have always known I would be the best
candidate, oh yes. And when you look at it, none of the candidates
can claim better credentials than myself.
What is your reaction to what happened to Ekwueme at the PDP
convention in Abuja, where he lost?
Ojukwu: I do not like to answer that question because on matters
concerning Ekwueme, after so many years dating back to my return
from exile I have decided to keep mum, the reason is because for
reasons best known to my own people they have created a false
enmity between Ekwueme and myself. Do you know that for a long
time we did not say anything; I knew he would lose. As I knew he
would lose the previous one. When he came before Ndigbo at his
hotel here in Enugu, I said that being chairman of G43 did not
guarantee support, and it did not. I told him then that all he was
doing was shielding our people from bullets.
This time again it was clear; I knew he would
not win. But this time the way and manner his defeat was organised
was particularly crude, but I knew he would not win. If I had said
anything at that time people would say because Ojukwu said that,
and I would have created for myself a rather difficult situation
in Igbo land. So I decided not to say anything, let the Ekwueme
card play out, and I have been proved right again. We will pick up
the pieces and see where we go from there. He was not treated
well, that much I can say, but that as well is a word that you do
not find common in Nigeria's politics.
People say Ndigbo are politically naive; have you come to the
same conclusion?
Ojukwu: There is no doubt in my mind that we as a people are somewhat
politically naive. We are a merchant society, we pay and we want
instant returns; politics comes naturally to a few of us. But
generally as a people we are politically naive. How can a nation
stay without even knowing who its enemies are. We are the only
race that do not know who the enemies are; as a people we refuse
to know that the job of the enemy is to vilify us, rather we keep
trying to win the praise of the enemy. You talked about Igbos and
naivety, what could be more naive for the Igbos to go across
seeking sponsorship from the competing people across the border. I
have shouted and shouted that power is not given, the Igbos think
it is. It isn't negotiated either, the Igbos think that it is.
When you look at our situation you get this ridiculous concept,
where people say "I have seen Alhaji X, he is going to
finance me, Okafor," and Igbos believe that. I have been
shouting that a non-Igbo who would spend his money to finance an
Igbo man to come and rule him, that man has not been born. That is
part of our naivety, and the thing is that our naivety can even be
seen when we then fail, it is a ridiculous sight to see our
leaders almost bursting into tears in public. I agree we are
naive.
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Chukwuemeka
Odumegwu-Ojukwu (4 November 1933 – 26 November
2011) was a
Nigerian colonel and politician. Ojukwu served
as the military governor of the
Eastern Region of Nigeria in 1966, the
leader of the breakaway
Republic of Biafra from 1967 to 1970 and a
leading Nigerian politician from 1983 to 2011 upon
his death.
Ojukwu came
into national prominence upon his appointment as
military governor in 1966 and his actions
thereafter. A coup in January 1966 and a counter
coup in July 1966 by different military factions,
perceived to be ethnic coups, resulted in pogroms in
Northern Nigeria in which
Igbos were predominantly killed. Ojukwu led
talks and sought an end to the pogroms and
hostilities by seeking peace with the then Nigerian
military leadership, headed by General Yakubu Gowon.
The military leadership met in Aburi Ghana (the
Aburi Accord), but the agreement reached there
was not implemented to all parties satisfaction upon
their return to Nigeria. The failure to reach a
suitable agreement, the decision of the Nigerian
military leadership to establish new states in the
Eastern Region and the continued pogrom in Northern
Nigeria led Ojukwu to announce a breakaway of the
Eastern Region under the new name
Biafra republic in 1967. These sequence of
events sparked the
Nigerian Civil War. Ojukwu led the Biafran
forces and on the defeat of Biafra in January 1970,
and after he had delegated instructions to
Philip Effiong he went into exile for 13 years,
returning to Nigeria following a pardon. Ikemba
Odumegwu Ojukwu died on 25 November 2011.— Wikipedia
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Chukwuemeka
Odumegwu Ojukwu (1933-2011). The man who will
always be remembered as the face and voice of the
attempted Biafran secession from Nigeria in the
1960s. He was a master of vocal expression, though
prone to moments of grandiloquence. But he had his
moments of effective understatement. I recall an
interview conducted in Paris during the 1970s. A
British reporter, I think Frederick Forsyth,... was
reading him a verbatim account of what his rival Lt.
Colonel Gowon had told him at the time was his
opinion of his fellow colonel, Ojukwu: "I know
Ojukwu. We both served in the same army and I can
tell you that he is ambitious. He really cannot be
trusted..."
It is a fairly
lengthy personal indictment. The segment starts
which archival footage of Gowon speaking before the
reporter completes the words and puts it to Ojukwu.
A pause ensues which is then punctuated by a
ball-puff of exhaled smoke before Ojukwu replies,
almost lazily: "We had a war in Nigeria. Gowon was
on one side. I was on the other. That really is all
there is to it."—Adeyinka
Makinde
Ojukwu's
thinking was excellent, but his actions were
premature; though most of today's suffering were
caused by Gen. Aguiyi Ironsi and Nnamdi Azikiwe;
Onyeka is a rare gem and he knows what pain means.— Francis
Adie Ushie
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Sister Citizen: Shame, Stereotypes, and Black Women in
America
By Melissa V.
Harris-Perry
According to the
author, this society has historically exerted
considerable pressure on black females to fit into one
of a handful of stereotypes, primarily, the Mammy, the
Matriarch or the Jezebel. The selfless
Mammy’s behavior is marked by a slavish devotion to
white folks’ domestic concerns, often at the expense of
those of her own family’s needs. By contrast, the
relatively-hedonistic Jezebel is a sexually-insatiable
temptress. And the Matriarch is generally thought of as
an emasculating figure who denigrates black men, ala the
characters Sapphire and Aunt Esther on the television
shows Amos and Andy and Sanford and Son, respectively.
Professor Perry
points out how the propagation of these harmful myths
have served the mainstream culture well. For instance,
the Mammy suggests that it is almost second nature for
black females to feel a maternal instinct towards
Caucasian babies.
As for the source
of the Jezebel, black women had no control over their
own bodies during slavery given that they were being
auctioned off and bred to maximize profits. Nonetheless,
it was in the interest of plantation owners to propagate
the lie that sisters were sluts inclined to mate
indiscriminately.
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Sex at the Margins
Migration, Labour Markets and the Rescue Industry
By Laura María Agustín
This book explodes several myths: that selling sex is completely different from any other kind of work, that migrants who sell sex are passive victims and that the multitude of people out to save them are without self-interest. Laura Agustín makes a passionate case against these stereotypes, arguing that the label 'trafficked' does not accurately describe migrants' lives and that the 'rescue industry' serves to disempower them. Based on extensive research amongst both migrants who sell sex and social helpers, Sex at the Margins provides a radically different analysis. Frequently, says Agustin, migrants make rational choices to travel and work in the sex industry, and although they are treated like a marginalised group they form part of the dynamic global economy. Both powerful and controversial, this book is essential reading for all those who want to understand the increasingly important relationship between sex markets, migration and the desire for social justice. "Sex at the Margins rips apart distinctions between migrants, service work and sexual labour and reveals the utter complexity of the contemporary sex industry. This book is set to be a trailblazer in the study of sexuality."—Lisa Adkins, University of London |
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The Warmth of Other Suns
The Epic Story of America's Great
Migration
By Isabel Wilkerson
Ida Mae Brandon Gladney, a
sharecropper's wife, left Mississippi
for Milwaukee in 1937, after her cousin
was falsely accused of stealing a white
man's turkeys and was almost beaten to
death. In 1945, George Swanson Starling,
a citrus picker, fled Florida for Harlem
after learning of the grove owners'
plans to give him a "necktie party" (a
lynching). Robert Joseph Pershing Foster
made his trek from Louisiana to
California in 1953, embittered by "the
absurdity that he was doing surgery for
the United States Army and couldn't
operate in his own home town." Anchored
to these three stories is Pulitzer
Prize–winning journalist Wilkerson's
magnificent, extensively researched
study of the "great migration," the
exodus of six million black Southerners
out of the terror of Jim Crow to an
"uncertain existence" in the North and
Midwest. Wilkerson deftly incorporates
sociological and historical studies into
the novelistic narratives of Gladney,
Starling, and Pershing settling in new
lands, building anew, and often finding
that they have not left racism behind.
The drama, poignancy, and romance of a
classic immigrant saga pervade this
book, hold the reader in its grasp, and
resonate long after the reading is done.
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The White Masters of the
World
From
The World and Africa, 1965
By W. E. B. Du Bois
W. E. B. Du Bois’
Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization
(Fletcher)
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Ancient African Nations
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The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan
/
The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll
/
Only a Pawn in Their Game
Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for
Slavery /
George Jackson /
Hurricane Carter
* *
* * *
The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg
The
Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804
/
January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of
Haiti
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* *
* * *
updated 30 October
2007
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