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Books on Cuba
The Autobiography of a
Slave /
Bridges to Cuba/Puentes a Cuba
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Santeria from
Africa to the New World: The Dead Sell Memories
Fidel Castro and
the Quest for a Revolutionary Culture in Cuba
/
Reyita: The Life of a Black Cuban Woman in the
Twentieth
Century
Singular Like a Bird: The Art of Nancy Morejon
/
Caliban
and Other Essays /
The
Pride of Havana: A History of Cuban Baseball
Santeria
Aesthetics in Contemporary Latin America Art /
Culture and
Customs of Cuba /
Man-making Words; Selected Poems
of Nicholas Guillen
Afro-Cuban Voices: On Race and Identity on
Contemporary Cuba /
Afro-Cuba: An Anthology of Cuban Writing
on Race, Politics, and Culture
Nicolas Guillen:
Popular Poet of the Caribbean /
Selected Poetry by Nancy Morejon
/
Cuba: After the
Revolution
* *
* * *
Text of
Jimmy Carter's Speech
on Cuban-American Relations
May 14, 2002
The
following speech was made Tuesday at the University of Havana by
former President Carter and broadcast on Cuban state TV and
radio. The speech was given in Spanish and this translation of
the prepared text was provided by The Carter Center:
I appreciate President Castro's invitation for us to
visit Cuba, and have been delighted with the hospitality we have
received since arriving here. It is a great honor to address the
Cuban people.
After a long and agonizing struggle, Cuba achieved
its independence a century ago, and a complex relationship soon
developed between our two countries. The great powers in Europe
and Asia viewed ``imperialism'' as the natural order of the time
and they expected the United States to colonize Cuba as the
Europeans had done in Africa. The United States chose instead to
help Cuba become independent, but not completely. The Platt
Amendment gave my country the right to intervene in Cuba's
internal affairs until President Franklin Roosevelt had the
wisdom to repeal this claim in May 1934.
The dictator Fulgencio Batista was overthrown more
than 43 years ago, and a few years later the Cuban revolution
aligned with the Soviet Union in the Cold War. Since then, our
nations have followed different philosophical and political
paths.
The hard truth is that neither the United States nor
Cuba has managed to define a positive and beneficial
relationship. Will this new century find our neighboring people
living in harmony and friendship? I have come here in search of
an answer to that question.
There are some in Cuba who think the simple answer is
for the United States to lift the embargo, and there are some in
my country who believe the answer is for your president to step
down from power and allow free elections. There is no doubt that
the question deserves a more comprehensive assessment.
I have restudied the complicated history (in
preparation for my conversations with President Castro), and
realize that there are no simple answers.
I did not come here to interfere in Cuba's internal
affairs, but to extend a hand of friendship to the Cuban people
and to offer a vision of the future for our two countries and
for all the Americas.
That vision includes a Cuba fully integrated into a
democratic hemisphere, participating in a Free Trade Area of the
Americas and with our citizens traveling without restraint to
visit each other. I want a massive student exchange between our
universities. I want the people of the United States and Cuba to
share more than a love of baseball and wonderful music. I want
us to be friends, and to respect each other.
Our two nations have been trapped in a destructive
state of belligerence for 42 years, and it is time for us to
change our relationship and the way we think and talk about each
other. Because the United States is the most powerful nation, we
should take the first step.
First, my hope is that the Congress will soon act to
permit unrestricted travel between the United States and Cuba,
establish open trading relationships, and repeal the embargo. I
should add that these restraints are not the source of Cuba's
economic problems. Cuba can trade with more than 100 countries,
and buy medicines, for example, more cheaply in Mexico than in
the United States. But the embargo freezes the existing impasse,
induces anger and resentment, restricts the freedoms of US
citizens, and makes it difficult for us to exchange ideas and
respect.
Second, I hope that Cuba and the United States can
resolve the 40-year-old property disputes with some creativity.
In many cases, we are debating ancient claims about decrepit
sugar mills, an antique telephone company, and many other
obsolete holdings. Most U.S. companies have already absorbed the
losses, but some others want to be paid, and many Cubans who
fled the revolution retain a sentimental attachment for their
homes. We resolved similar problems when I normalized relations
with China in 1979. I propose that our two countries establish a
blue-ribbon commission to address the legitimate concerns of all
sides in a positive and constructive manner.
Third, some of those who left this beautiful island
have demonstrated vividly that the key to a flourishing economy
is to use individual entrepreneurial skills. But many Cubans in
South Florida remain angry over their departure and their
divided families. We need to define a future so they can serve
as a bridge of reconciliation between Cuba and the United
States.
Are such normal relationships possible? I believe
they are.
Except for the stagnant relations between the United
States and Cuba, the world has been changing greatly, and
especially in Latin America and the Caribbean. As late as 1977,
when I became President, there were only two democracies in
South America, and one in Central America. Today, almost every
country in the Americas is a democracy.
I am not using a U.S. definition of ``democracy.''
The term is embedded in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, which Cuba signed in 1948, and it was defined very
precisely by all the other countries of the Americas in the
Inter-American Democratic Charter last September. It is based on
some simple premises: all citizens are born with the right to
choose their own leaders, to define their own destiny, to speak
freely, to organize political parties, trade unions and
non-governmental groups, and to have fair and open trials.
Only such governments can be members of the OAS, join
a Free Trade Area of the Americas, or participate in the Summits
of the Americas. Today, any regime that takes power by
unconstitutional means will be ostracized, as was shown in the
rejection of the Venezuelan coup last month.
Democracy is a framework that permits a people to
accommodate changing times and correct past mistakes. Since our
independence, the United States has rid itself of slavery,
granted women the right to vote, ended almost a century of legal
racial discrimination, and just this year reformed its election
laws to correct problems we faced in Florida eighteen months
ago.
Cuba has adopted a socialist government where one
political party dominates, and people are not permitted to
organize any opposition movements. Your constitution recognizes
freedom of speech and association, but other laws deny these
freedoms to those who disagree with the government.
My nation is hardly perfect in human rights. A very
large number of our citizens are incarcerated in prison, and
there is little doubt that the death penalty is imposed most
harshly on those who are poor, black, or mentally ill. For more
than a quarter century, we have struggled unsuccessfully to
guarantee the basic right of universal health care for our
people. Still, guaranteed civil liberties offer every citizen an
opportunity to change these laws.
That fundamental right is also guaranteed to Cubans.
It is gratifying to note that Articles 63 and 88 of your
constitution allows citizens to petition the National Assembly
to permit a referendum to change laws if 10,000 or more citizens
sign it. I am informed that such an effort, called the Varela
Project, has gathered sufficient signatures and has presented
such a petition to the National Assembly. When Cubans exercise
this freedom to change laws peacefully by a direct vote, the
world will see that Cubans, and not foreigners, will decide the
future of this country.
Cuba has superb systems of health care and universal
education, but last month, most Latin American governments
joined a majority in the United Nations Human Rights Commission
in calling on Cuba to meet universally accepted standards in
civil liberties. I would ask that you permit the International
Committee of the Red Cross to visit prisons and that you would
receive the U.N. Human Rights Commissioner to address
such issues as prisoners of conscience and the treatment of
inmates. These visits could help refute any unwarranted
criticisms.
Public opinion surveys show that a majority of people
in the United States would like to see the economic embargo
ended, normal travel between our two countries, friendship
between our people, and Cuba to be welcomed into the community
of democracies in the Americas. At the same time, most of my
fellow citizens believe that the issues of
economic and political freedom need to be addressed by the Cuban
people.
After 43 years of animosity, we hope that someday soon, you can
reach across the great divide that separates our two countries
and say, ``We are ready to join the community of democracies,''
and I hope that Americans will soon open our arms to you and
say, ``We welcome you as our friends.''
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