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Books by Angela Davis
Are Prisons Obsolete? /
Abolition Democracy /
Blues Legacies and Black Feminism /
Women, Race & Class
Women, Culture, and Politics /
Angela Davis: An Autobiography /
The Angela Y. Davis Reader /
If They Come in the Morning
Policing the National Body (article in volume)
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Two Nations of Black
America
Angela Davis,
Revolutionary, Speaks to PBS
PBS Interviewer:
Your mentor, Herbert Marcuse once back in '58, as I
recall, said that one of the things that would happen as
blacks made gains in the civil rights movement was that
there would be the creation of a black bourgeoisie and
that's certainly been one of the things that's happened
as we look back from the vantage point of 1997. How do
you see the role of the black bourgeoisie in the
continuing struggle?
Angela Davis: Actually we've
had a black bourgeoisie or the makings of a black
bourgeoisie for many more decades . . . if we look at
one of our great leaders, W.E.B. Du Bois, he was
associated with a very minuscule black bourgeoisie in
the 19th century so this is not something that is
substantively new although the numbers of black people
who now count themselves among the black bourgeoisie
certainly does make an enormous difference.
In a sense the quest for the
emancipation of black people in the US has always been a
quest for economic liberation which means to a certain
extent that the rise of black middle class would be
inevitable. What I think is different today is the lack
of political connection between the black middle class
and the increasing numbers of black people who are more
impoverished than ever before.
PBS Interviewer: Isn't that
inevitable though? Hasn't every immigrant group, as it
becomes part of the American mainstream, left behind its
roots in a certain way?
Angela Davis: That's true but
I think the contemporary problem that we are facing
increasing numbers of black people and other people of
color being thrown into a status that involves work in
alternative economies and increasing numbers of people
who are incarcerated. This is new. This is not the
typical path toward freedom that immigrants have
traditionally discovered in the US.
And I guess what I would say is that
we can't think narrowly about movements for black
liberation and we can't necessarily see this class
division as simply a product or a certain strategy that
black movements have developed for liberation. But
rather we have to look at the structural changes that
have also accompanied the gains of the civil rights
movement. We have to look at for example the increasing
globalization of capital, the whole system of
transitional capitalism now which has had an impact on
black populations—that has for example eradicated large
numbers of jobs that black people traditionally have
been able to count upon and created communities where
the tax base is lost now as a result of corporations
moving to the third world in order to discover cheap
labor. I would suggest is that in the latter 1990s it is
extremely important to look at the predicament of black
people within the context of the globalization of
capital.
PBS Interviewer: One of the
things that struck me as I've gone back and revisited
this history—is that Martin Luther King starts this
movement for economic justice just before he's
assassinated. The Black Panther party is just getting
off the ground here in California and in a way there
seems like there was a march towards merging these
issues of class and race in the late 60s that somehow
got derailed.
Angela Davis: Yes, I think
it's really important to acknowledge that Dr. King,
precisely at the moment of his assassination, was
re-conceptualizing the civil rights movement and moving
toward a sort of coalitional relationship with the trade
union movement. It's I think quite significant that he
was in Memphis to participate in a demonstration by
sanitation workers who had gone out on strike. Now, if
we look at the way in which the labor movement itself
has evolved over the last couple of decades, we see
increasing numbers of black people who are in the
leadership of the labor movement and this is true today.
PBS Interviewer: We also see
an increasingly weaker labor movement.
Angela Davis: Well, we see an
increasingly weaker labor movement as a result of the
overall assault on the labor movement and as a result of
the globalization of capital. So yeah, you're absolutely
right, but I'm thinking about some developments say in
the 80s when the anti-apartheid movement began to claim
more support and strength within the US. Black trade
unionists played a really important role in developing
this US anti-apartheid movement. For example, right here
in the Bay Area one of the first major activist moments
was the refusal on the part of the longshoremen's union
to unload ships that were coming in from South Africa
and the ILWU then took the leadership here in the Bay
Area, particularly as a result of the black caucus
within the ILWU, they took the leadership in creating an
anti-apartheid movement that spread to all of the
campuses, UC Berkeley, Stanford.
PBS Interviewer: At least from
my vantage point, back then it seemed we were attacking
structures and institutions and after a certain point it
began to feel like it wasn't possible. Our leaders were
assassinated, one of the things I was reading today
was—28 Panthers were killed by the police but 300 Black
Panthers were killed by other Panthers just
within—internecine warfare. It just began to seem like
we were in an impossible task given what we were facing.
How do we reawaken that sense that one person can really
make that difference again now? And kids these days are
kind of going back to Tupac and Snoop Doggy Dogg as
examples of people that stand for something.
Angela Davis: It's true that
it's within the realm of cultural politics that young
people tend to work through political issues, which I
think is good, although it's not going to solve the
problems. I guess I would say first of all that we tend
to go back to the 60s and we tend to see these struggles
and these goals in a relatively static way. The fact is
important gains were made and those gains are still
visible today. For example, the number of
African-American studies programs that are on college
campuses today. Those institutional changes are
inconceivable outside of that development within—related
to the Black Panther party and other organizations.
Young people began to take those struggles onto the
campuses
PBS Interviewer: The last line
in the essay Skip Gates has in The Future of the Race
is—"only sometimes do I feel guilty that I was one of
the lucky ones. Only sometimes do I ask myself why." I
wonder whether you ever feel guilty for having been one
of those who has survived.
Angela Davis: Well, I think
about it. But I don't know whether I feel guilty. I
think that has to do with my awareness that in a sense
we all have a certain measure of responsibility to those
who have made it possible for us to take advantage of
the opportunities. The door is opened only so far. If
some of us can squeeze through the crack of that door,
then we owe it to those who have made those demands that
the door be opened to use the knowledge or the skills
that we acquire not only for ourselves but in the
service of the community as well. This is something that
I guess I decided a long time ago.
PBS Interviewer: But still
there were those who were arrested around the same time
you are were still in prison? You got out -- you got off
in some ways because you had become such a cause célèbre
that there were others who didn't have.
Angela Davis: I mean that's
true but I am actually addressing your question about
guilt, and I'm trying to suggest that maybe there are
other ways to deal with it than with guilt. So rather
than feeling guilty is what I have done is to continue
the work. As soon as I got out of jail, as soon as my
trial was over, first of all, during the time I was in
jail, there was an organization called the National
United Committee to Free Angela Davis, and I insisted
that it be called National United Committee to Free
Angela Davis and All Political Prisoners.
As soon as my trial was over, we
tried to use the energy that had developed around my
case to create another organization, which we called the
National Alliance against Racist and Political
Repression. And, what? in June it will have been 25
years since my trial was over. I'm still working for the
freedom of political prisoners, Mumia Abu Jamal, the
Puerto Rican political prisoners, such as Dinci Pargan,
for example, Leonard Pelletier. I'm involved in the work
around prison rights in general. I think the importance
of doing activist work is precisely because it allows
you to give back and to consider yourself not as a
single individual who may have achieved whatever but to
be a part of an ongoing historical movement. Then I
don't think it's necessary to feel guilty. Because I
know that I'm still doing the work that is going to help
more sisters and brothers to challenge the whole
criminal justice system, and I'm trying to use whatever
knowledge I was able to acquire to continue to do the
work in our communities that will move us forward.
PBS Interviewer: One of the
problems, as we came into the 70s is it seemed as though
we were fighting institutions and structures that were
so big that there just seemed to be nothing that one
person could do about them . . . How do we recapture
that sense of a kind of power of being bold enough to
take on those structures again?
Angela Davis: I don't know
whether the movement crashed as a result of the
overwhelming character of the institutions we set out to
change. I think repression had a lot to do with the
dismantling of the movement and also the winning of
certain victories had something to do with the inability
of the movement to take those victories as the launching
point for new goals and developing new strategies.
But I do think it's extremely
important to acknowledge the gains that were made by the
civil rights movement, the black power movement. I don't
think we do that enough. Institutional transformations
happened directly as a result of the movements that
people, unnamed people, organized and gave their lives
to.
PBS Interviewer: Such as?
Angela Davis: I'm thinking
about the desegregation of the South, for example, and
the fact that some black women decided to boycott the
bus system and this was actually done and eventually
those laws were transformed or changed.
PBS Interviewer The other
thing that happened of course is that the struggle isn't
so much taking place on college campuses any more, it's
taking place in corporate board rooms or within the
corporate structure and those of us who are there are
both—it's a weird thing happening. On one hand we're
more reticent about taking on the racist things that we
see happening within that environment, but the other
thing that's happening is we're becoming more
Afrocentric at the same time. It's almost like, we kind
of feel like if we show up wearing our kente cloth that
that's it, we've done our struggle. What is that about?
Where does that come from?
Angela Davis: I think it
arises out of a tendency often to conflate cultural
blackness with anti-racism. I think this is another case
where there are lessons to be learned during the period
of the 60s when organizations like the Black Panther
Party were coming into being, there were other cultural
nationalist organizations such as US Organization, such
as the organization that Amiri Baraka developed and of
course Amiri OK, there was the black arts movement which
was extremely important, but there was also Baraka's
political organization in Newark that took a cultural
nationalist position that assumed that if we were able
to connect with the culture of our African ancestors
that somehow or another these vast problems surrounding
us, racism in education, in the school, racism in the
economy, in health care, etc would disappear. They were
very interesting conflicts and debates between groups
like the Black Panther Party and the cultural
nationalist groups in the 60s.
PBS Interviewer: What were
those debates? What was the nature of that debate
between the Black Panther and say a group like US?
Angela Davis: The debate often
focused on what young black people wanting to associate
themselves with a movement for liberation should do,
whether they should become active in campaigns against
police violence, for example, or whether they should
focus their energy on wearing African clothes and
changing their name and developing rituals. One of the
names members of the Black Panther Party used to call
those who focused on Africa and African rituals was sort
of pork chop nationalists. There were some of us who
argued that yes, we need to develop a cultural
consciousness of our connection with Africa particularly
since racist structures had relied upon the sort of
cultural genocide going back to the period of slavery so
that many of us were arguing that we could affirm our
connection with our African ancestors in political ways
as well, following for example Dr. Du Bois' vision of
pan-Africanism which was an anti-imperialist notion of
pan-Africanism rather than the pan-Africanism that
projected a very idealized, romantic image of Africa, a
fictional notion of Africa and assumed that all we
needed to do was to become African, so to speak, rather
than become involved in organized anti-imperialist
struggles. So I think that the debate around pan-Africanism
at the beginning, in the aftermath of World War I, for
example, that Dr. Du Bois participated in, took on a
different character but recapitulated some of the very
same kinds of concepts and issues in the 1960s.
PBS Interviewer: So what does it say to you
that here we are in 1997 and the pan-Africanist/cultural
nationalist agenda is the one that the commercial side,
that Wall Street has fastened onto—that side seems to
have been triumphant and that the anti-imperialist
movement is, not in retreat, but certainly not being
heard from as much.
Angela Davis: It doesn't surprise me that
aspect of the black nationalist movement, the cultural
side, has triumphed because that is the aspect of the
movement that was most commodifiable and when we look at
the commodification of blackness we're looking at a
phenomenon that's very profitable and it's connection
with the rise of a black middle class I think is very
obvious. As far as the tradition of struggle and
tradition of anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist struggle
I think that is one that has to be fought for and
recrafted continuously. It's not going to happen on its
own, it's not going to be taken up by the capitalist
corporations and presented as something that is both
profitable and something that is pleasurable to masses
of people.
PBS Interviewer: In a way I find it
interesting that Kwanzaa—you know Karenga's ideas which
apparently seem to have been financed by the FBI, at
least in part, are the ones that now most black folks
would say they would hold to and not the ideals of the
Panther Party which were about survival, at least in
some part an economic survival.
Angela Davis: To a certain extent I think both
traditions have survived. The cultural nationalist
tradition has been commodified and therefore it has been
worked into the whole institution of capitalism in a way
that the traditions of struggling against police
violence have not, but those traditions are still very
much alive. As a matter of fact I think that the
response to the OJ Simpson trial was based on a kind of
sensibility that emerged out of the many campaigns to
defend black communities against police violence. It
just so happened that a figure like OJ Simpson was the
one who benefited from those sensibilities, but I think
it's important to affirm the fact that sensibility
continues to exist and a kind of desire for black
movements continues to exist even, I think, among middle
class black people.
This accounts, I think, for the success of the
Million Man March because black people tend to think of
themselves as a people in struggle. This has been our
history within this country and there's a kind of
nostalgia for those moments where the struggle becomes
dramatic and visible and powerful, although the Million
Man March wasn't such a moment, I would argue, because
there were no political demands that addressed the major
problems that black communities are confronting yet
there were the images of struggle, there were the images
of masses of people that I think affected and brought
pleasure to and moved so many black people. Now perhaps
we can use that. Perhaps we can rely on that as we try
to build movements that will address the impoverishment
of masses of black people, the prison/industrial
complex. I have to maintain some hope that that's
possible. But at the same time I think it is important
to acknowledge the extent to which the black middle
class tends to rely on a kind of imagined struggle that
gets projected into commodities like kente cloth for
example on the one hand and images like the Million Man
March.
PBS Interviewer: You were critical of the
Million Man March before? What was the substance of your
criticism?
Angela Davis: We developed this criticism on a
number of accounts. First of all, the failure to
integrate gender into the vision of what the black
community needed, the exclusion of women from the march
itself although finally I think someone said it's OK for
black women to come, they don't have to stay at home
with the babies as they were urged to before. But my
criticism was also based on the conservative politics of
the Million Man March, the conservative politics, the
tendency to rely on voluntarism, the way in which the
politics of the march coexisted quite harmoniously with
the politics of a Newt Gingrich, for example the focus
on family values that again linked the march to some of
the most conservative developments in US society today,
the assault on women's reproductive rights, etc. If this
march of a million black men had raised issues such as
the assault on the welfare system, the assault on
women's reproductive rights, if there had been a sense
of how to address this vast issue of violence against
women, rather than assuming that a patriarchal family
structure in which black men would—
PBS Interviewer: Atone.
Angela Davis: Atone but also assume their role
as the patriarchs in the family, cause that's what the
atonement was all about. The black men were not really
being the fathers that they needed to be, not really
taking on the burden of the family in the way they
needed to do it. I found that extremely problematic
because I think it's important for us to recognize that
although historically black communities have been very
progressive with respect to issues of race and with
respect to struggles for racial equality, that does not
necessarily translate into progressive positions on
gender issues, progressive positions on issues of
sexuality and in the latter 1990s we have to recognize
the intersectionality, the interconnectedness of all of
these institutions and attitudes.
PBS Interviewer: Now that the Million Man
March is over, do you still feel it was not a correct
thing to have done?
Angela Davis: Those of us who criticized the
Million Man March—were not arguing that it shouldn't
happen. We were arguing that debates around the issues
taken up by the march needed to be allowed particularly
within black communities. I guess what I would criticize
today is the tendency to conflate that dramatic moment
with a movement.
The nostalgia within black communities for this mass
movement which involves vast numbers of black people
coming together is something that can often lead us in
unproductive directions. Because in the past the
demonstrations that we think about—the 1963 march on
Washington, for example, that march wasn't this moment
that was organized against the backdrop of nothing else.
It was a demonstrating of the organizing that had been
going on for years and years and to assume that one can
call a march on Washington and have that be a movement
in the 1990s is I think a tremendous mistake. I would
say perhaps the importance of the Million Man March was
that it stimulated a great deal of discussion. Perhaps
it brought to people's attention the fact that we need
to begin to regenerate an approach towards grassroots
organizing that will help us in the direction of a mass
movement.
There was a tendency of the middle class men who I
think participated in that march to passionately
identify with the brother on the street without taking
up the kinds of political issues that are required to
move black people who are in poverty in a progressive
direction.
PBS Interviewer: Of course the brothers on the
street are identifying with the gangster rappers or at
least the younger brothers on the street are, which is a
whole other level of symbolic identity.
Angela Davis: And not only the
brothers on the street but the middle class brothers are
also identifying with the gangster rappers because of
the extent to which this music circulates. It becomes
possible for the—not only the young middle class men,
but it becomes possible for young middle class white men
and young men of other racial communities to identify
with the misogyny of gangster rap.
PBS Interviewer: Well, it's
not just misogyny. Now it's kind of moved just a
straight crass materialism. The latest ones are
just—they just name off name brands. That's the
progression of it. How have we reached a point where in
1997 that the ethic of being black means that you don't
go to school to learn. That learning is equated with
whiteness and that somehow that is bad?
Angela Davis: Well, whether
it's the approach that all young black kids are
encouraged to take or decide to take. Because you do
have this rising middle class and you do have the young
brothers and sisters who are moving toward the corporate
arena and who are encouraged to do this arena from the
time that they are very young. I think this is one of
those moments where we also have to talk about the
deterioration of the institutions.
I can't really blame a lot of young
sisters and brothers who believe that education has
anything to offer them. Because as a matter of fact, it
has nothing to offer them. Suppose they do get a high
school diploma that is meaningful. What kind of job is
awaiting them. The jobs that used to be available to
working class people are not there as a result of the
de-industrialization of this economy.
Therefore, often young black people
are looking towards the alternative economies. They are
looking towards the drug economy . . . the economies
that are going to—that apparently will produce some kind
of material gain for them. You can't criticize people
for wanting to have a decent life or wanting to live
decently. While I think that it is true that there is a
great deal to be done with respect to the ideas that
circulate among young people within arenas such as hip
hop. At the same time, we can't forget about the
deterioration of the institutions and the structural
influence on young people.
PBS Interviewer: Bring us back
to globalization of capital. How do you mobilize around
an issue like globalization of capital?
Angela Davis: Well, you
mobilize around globalization of capital in local ways.
Obviously there are some organizations that go out on
the street and say we want an end to the capitalist
system. But obviously that is not going to happen as a
result of just assuming that stance. I think in black
communities today we need to encourage a lot more cross
racial organizing. For example, we look at the assault
on immigrants. Both legal immigrants and undocumented
immigrants. Where does the black community stand with
respect to that issue?
I think it is important to recognize
that there is a connection between the predicament of
poor black people and the predicament of immigrants who
come to this country in search of a better life. The
de-industrialization of the US. economy based on the
migration of corporations into Third World areas where
labor is very cheap and thus more profitable for these
companies creates on the one hand conditions in those
countries that encourage people to emigrate to the US in
search of a better life. On the other hand, it creates
conditions here that send more black people into the
alternative economies, the drug economies, women into
economies in sexual services, and sends them into the
prison industrial complex.
So we have to figure out how to
formulate issues that are going to bring those of us
together who are affected in one way or another by the
globalization of capital.When we consider how much a
young black person wants to, or is willing to pay for a
pair of Nike's, right?—and then think about the
conditions under which those shoes are made in Indonesia
or wherever, uh, at the same time that that young sister
or brother will be treated on the labor market here as
indispensible and perhaps as someone to be cast away
into the prison system. So there are reasons for coming
together if we can figure out some specific kinds of
strategies and tactics that will allow it. I think this
is the real challenge for this era, which means we have
to get away from a narrow conception of blackness. We
can't talk about the black community. It's no longer a
homogeneous community; it was never a homogeneous
community. At one point, it did make sense to talk about
the black community because we were struggling against
the profound impact of racism on people's lives in
various ways. We still have to struggle against the
impact of racism, but it doesn't happen in the same way.
I think it is much more complicated today than it ever
was.
PBS Interviewer: Does the fact
that black folks are now a heterogeneous community
absolve us from the obligation to keep reaching
back—everybody to reach back, each one—reach one?
Angela Davis: I think we need
to insist on a certain responsibility, which people
have— particularly those who have made it into the ranks
of the middle class because as Dr. King said many years
ago in a sense they have climbed out of the masses on
the shoulders of their sisters and brothers and
therefore, they do have some responsibility.
But whether people would be willing
to assume that responsibility or not is something that
is up to them. We cannot assume that people by virtue of
the fact that they are black are going to associate
themselves with progressive political struggles. We need
to divest ourselves the kinds of strategies that assume
that black unity—black political unity is possible.
PBS Interviewer: What's the
coalition?
Angela Davis: Political
coalition. Politically-based coalitions. I think we have
to really focus on the issues much more than we may have
in the past. I think we have to, as I said before, seek
to create coalitional strategies that go beyond racial
lines. We need to bring black communities, Chicano
communities, Puerto Rican communities, Asian American
communities together.
Source:
PBS
Angela Yvonne
Davis is a professor of history of consciousness at
the University of California, Santa Cruz. Over the last
thirty years, she has been active in numerous
organizations challenging prison-related repression. Her
advocacy on behalf of political prisoners led to three
capital charges, sixteen months in jail awaiting trial,
and a highly publicized campaign then acquittal in 1972.
In 1973, the National Committee to Free Angela Davis and
All Political Prisoners, along with the Attica Brothers,
the American Indian Movement and other organizations
founded The National Alliance Against Racist and
Political Repression, of which she remained
co-chairperson for many years.
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Angela Davis, the
daughter of an automobile mechanic and a school teacher, was
born in Birmingham, Alabama, on 26th January, 1944. The area
where the family lived became known as Dynamite Hill because of
the large number of African American homes bombed by the
Ku Klux Klan. Her mother was a
civil rights campaigner and had been active in the
NAACP before the organization was outlawed in Birmingham.
Davis attended segregated schools in Birmingham before moving to
New York with her mother who had decided to study for a M.A. at
New York University. Davis attended a progressive school in
Greenwich Village where several of the teachers had been
blacklisted during the
McCarthy Era.
In 1961 Davis went to Brandeis University in Waltham,
Massachusetts to study French. Her course included a year at the
Sorbonne in Paris. Soon after arriving back in the United States
she was reminded of the
civil rights struggle that was taking place in Birmingham
when four girls that she knew were killed in the
Baptist Church Bombing in September, 1963. After graduating
from Brandeis University she spent two years at the faculty of
philosophy at Johann Wolfgang von Goethe University in
Frankfurt, West Germany before studying under
Herbert Marcuse at the University of California. Davis was
greatly influenced by Marcuse, especially his idea that it was
the duty of the individual to rebel against the system. In
1967 Davis joined the
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the
Black Panther Party. The following year she became involved
with the
American Communist Party.— Spartacus
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The Angela Y. Davis Reader
By James,
Joy/ Davis, Angela Yvonne (Author)
For three
decades, Angela Y. Davis has written on liberation
theory and democratic praxis. Challenging the
foundations of mainstream discourse, her analyses of
culture, gender, capital, and race have profoundly
influenced democratic theory, antiracist feminism,
critical studies and political struggles. Even for
readers who primarily know her as a revolutionary of
the late 1960s and early 1970s (or as a political
icon for militant activism) she has greatly expanded
the scope and range of social philosophy and
political theory. Expanding critical theory,
contemporary progressive theorists—engaged in
justice struggles—will find their thought
influenced by the liberation praxis of Angela Y.
Davis. The Angela Y. Davis Reader presents eighteen
essays from her writings and interviews which have
appeared in
If They Come in the Morning,
Women, Race & Class,
Women, Culture, and Politics, and
Blues Legacies and Black Feminism
as
well as articles published in women's, ethnic/black
studies and communist journals, and cultural studies
anthologies. In four parts—"Prisons,
Repression, and Resistance," "Marxism, Anti-Racism,
and Feminism," "Aesthetics and Culture," and recent
interviews—Davis
examines revolutionary politics and intellectualism.
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The New Jim Crow
Mass Incarceration in the Age of
Colorblindness
By Michele Alexander
Contrary to the
rosy picture of race embodied in Barack
Obama's political success and Oprah
Winfrey's financial success, legal
scholar Alexander argues vigorously and
persuasively that [w]e have not ended
racial caste in America; we have merely
redesigned it. Jim Crow and legal racial
segregation has been replaced by mass
incarceration as a system of social
control (More African Americans are
under correctional control today... than
were enslaved in 1850). Alexander
reviews American racial history from the
colonies to the Clinton administration,
delineating its transformation into the
war on drugs. She offers an acute
analysis of the effect of this mass
incarceration upon former inmates who
will be discriminated against, legally,
for the rest of their lives, denied
employment, housing, education, and
public benefits. Most provocatively, she
reveals how both the move toward
colorblindness and affirmative action
may blur our vision of injustice: most
Americans know and don't know the truth
about mass incarceration—but her
carefully researched, deeply engaging,
and thoroughly readable book should
change that.—Publishers
Weekly |
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Sex at the Margins
Migration, Labour Markets and the Rescue Industry
By Laura María Agustín
This book explodes several myths: that selling sex is completely different from any other kind of work, that migrants who sell sex are passive victims and that the multitude of people out to save them are without self-interest. Laura Agustín makes a passionate case against these stereotypes, arguing that the label 'trafficked' does not accurately describe migrants' lives and that the 'rescue industry' serves to disempower them. Based on extensive research amongst both migrants who sell sex and social helpers, Sex at the Margins provides a radically different analysis. Frequently, says Agustin, migrants make rational choices to travel and work in the sex industry, and although they are treated like a marginalised group they form part of the dynamic global economy. Both powerful and controversial, this book is essential reading for all those who want to understand the increasingly important relationship between sex markets, migration and the desire for social justice. "Sex at the Margins rips apart distinctions between migrants, service work and sexual labour and reveals the utter complexity of the contemporary sex industry. This book is set to be a trailblazer in the study of sexuality."—Lisa Adkins, University of London |
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The White Masters of the
World
From
The World and Africa, 1965
By W. E. B. Du Bois
W. E. B. Du Bois’
Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization
(Fletcher)
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Ancient African Nations
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Negro Digest /
Black World
Browse all issues
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The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan
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The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll
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Only a Pawn in Their Game
Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for
Slavery /
George Jackson /
Hurricane Carter
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The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg
The
Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804
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January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of
Haiti
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posted 24 November 2011
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